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A CHRONICLE OF EVENTS Regarding the issues of the Comfort Women, the Conscripted Civilians, and GSOMIA

A CHRONICLE OF EVENTS Regarding the issues of the Comfort Women, the Conscripted Civilians, and GSOMIA

              The relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea (ROK) have moved from a case of “irritation” to that of “seismic rocking” lately.  In other words, the bilateral relations have become worse than ever.

              The current situation stems from the two issues regarding the comfort women and the conscripted civilians during wartime as everyone knows.  Its spillover is the ROK announcement on August 23, 2019 to scrap the General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA) it signed with Japan in 2016.

              I briefly chronicle major events herein to recognize factors that are vital to understand the current situation and a direction the ROK is heading for.  It is easy to question the nation’s “Moral Justice” that runs as an undercurrent in the mind of the Koreans.  What was right at a time would often become wrong later, according to their moral justice.  I would say it does not fully explain what is going on in the ROK.  More important questions I must ask are as follows:

              (1) What do they want to achieve?

              (2) What is behind their belligerent attitudes?

              (3) Where are they trying to find their home?

              An overview of the past events would give us an answer, I believe. I printed keywords and sentences in boldface below, attaching also a supplementary note in the parentheses with an asterisk.

Hidemi Nagao, Novelist, Non-fiction Writer, living on pension in Yokohama, Japan

August 2019

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A CHRONICLE OF EVENTS

 

1965     The Treaty on Basic Relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea was signed on June 22, which established diplomatic relations between Japan and South Korea.  On the same day, the Agreement on the Settlement of Problems concerning Property and Claims and on Economic Co-operation between Japan and the Republic of Korea was also signed.  The gist of Article 2.1 of the Agreement is that both nations confirms that the issue of claims regarding the property, rights, and profits of the signatory nations and their nationals has been resolved finally and irreversibly on the date of signing of the Agreement.  The judicial decisions of late in the ROK concluded that the agreement did not solve the issue pertaining to individual citizens.

1973     Seiji Yoshida published a book in which he wrote he had abducted hundreds of Korean women from Cheju to make them comfort women in warfront.  His admission of abduction was later disproved but his book has been quoted by many people.  (*“Even an obvious fabrication is some comfort when you have few others,” according to Margaret Atwood.)

1973     Kako Senda published a book in which he said the military forcibly taken away 200,000 Korean women in the name of labor force, 50,000 to 70,000 of whom had been made comfort women in warfront.  Though he misquoted a source, his false quotation has frequently been used by certain intellectuals as a fact—200,000 Korean women were abducted and forcibly made sexual slaves.  (*Reasonably speaking, 200,000 women had 400,000 parents, 800,000 grandparents, and probably 50,000 brothers and sisters in the Korean Peninsula in those days.  Had the 200,000 been a credible estimate, 1.25 million family members must have inundated police authorities and the mass media with innumerable complaints because their daughters/granddaughters/sisters disappeared without reason.  The Korean Peninsula had a population of 22.95 million in 1940 and 25.12 million in 1944.  No one has yet unearthed official records of complaints or newspaper articles that referred to hundreds of thousands of the missing women.  Had a case like that occurred somewhere in the world, then or now, it would have wreaked havoc in the society.)

1976     The ROK Ministry of Economy and Finance published in December the White Paper Regarding the Claims’ Fund.  Japan provided the ROK—over a ten-year period—with a loan of 200 million dollars and a grant of 300 million dollars, based on the 1965 Agreement (*Another loan of 300 million dollars was provided by Japan’s private sectors).  The ROK government enacted a law in 1966 and established the Claims’ Fund Management Committee to sanction programs to which the Fund was to be allocated.  The intent of the ministry’s publishing the White Paper was to officially and publicly explain how much money had been spent for each program.

              The White Paper’s Book I (Chapter 3, Section 3) mentioned a compensation policy toward its citizens.  Its gist is as follows: “Upon finalization of the Fund available from the Japanese government regarding the Claims, the ROK government considered it necessary to execute compensations for citizens without delay.  The government, however, postponed the execution until the fiscal year 1975.  It was to prioritize the nation’s fiscal condition, improve the national income, and develop the industrial infrastructure.”  As a result, a large portion of the Fund was used to develop the industrial infrastructure, reflecting President Park Chung-hee’s intention.

              The ROK government made a public announcement from May 1971 to March 1972 to accept applications from individual citizens for compensation of Japan’s national bonds, savings in bank, postal money orders, life insurance, etc.  The compensation policy included applications from families of troops and conscripted civilians who lost life on or before August 15, 1945.

              The government issued in 1974 and 1975 a law and an enforcement order to compensate for the civilians.  It began to execute the compensatory procedure from July 1975.  And the White Paper states all compensation procedures would be completed by June 30, 1977.

1982   Major dailies and TV networks reported on June 26 that the Education Ministry—in the course of screening a new history book to be used at high school—had recently intervened in the text editing to rephrase “the invasion” to “the advancement” to Northern China.  As early as June 30, the Mainichi Shimbun admitted the initial report had been erroneous because there was, in fact, no rephrasing in the pertinent part of the history book.  The initial report, however, upset the Chinese and the South Koreans over a few months thereafter.  The South Koreans denounced the rewrite as an attempt to evade and minimize Japan’s responsibilities for colonialization of the Korean Peninsula.  On July 30, a ministry official took a stand at a House of Representatives committee and said, “There was no alleged rephrasing in the relevant textbook.”  From August through September, major dailies admitted the initial report had been based on false information.  The unsolicited fuss, nevertheless, has given the South Koreans an impetus to criticize Japan as having historical revisionism whenever a historic issue develops between the two nations.  (*Speaking of Yoksa (역사history)-palo (바로straight)-seugi (세우기erecting) is fine.  But Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., said this about history, “The use of history as therapy means the corruption of history as history.”)

1983     Seiji Yoshida donated a cenotaph in the ROK to apologize for having abducted Korean women to take to comfort stations (*Despite his admission later of fabricating the abduction).

1987     Roh Tae-woo, presidential candidate of the ruling Democratic Justice Party of the ROK, gave a speech titled the Special Declaration for Grand National Harmony and Progress Towards a Great Nation (the June 29 Declaration).   The speech, in serious consideration of the on-going waves of demonstrations in the streets for democracy, presented eight points of reform such as direct election of the president, freedom of speech, and protection of human rights.   Though Roh was a retired Army general, he won the presidential election later in the year and became the 13th President in 1988.  He successfully hosted the Summer Olympic Game.  Since then, the public at large considered the nation to have been “democratized” and civic groups began to launch a variety of campaigns on social issues, one of which was their attention to the comfort women issue.

1889     Emperor Hirohito passed away on January 7.  A coalition of women’s groups issued to the ROK government a statement to oppose its dispatching of a condolence mission to the emperor’s funeral in Japan.  The coalition, at the same time, demanded the Japanese government to apologize for conscripted civilians.  The conscripted civilians were mistakenly understood as the comfort women in Korea those days.

1989     The Berlin Wall with a death strip alongside began to be chipped away after East German people climbed the wall to go to West Berlin in November.  Upon reunification of East and West Germanies in 1990, the wall was demolished in 1992.  The fall of the Cold War structure gave the ROK a chance to establish formal ties with former East Bloc nations: It established diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union (Russia today) in 1990 and with the Peoples Republic of China (PRC) in 1992, after severing the tie with the Republic of China.  In the meantime, the ROK joined the United Nations along with North Korea (DPRK).  The ROK began to promote omnidirectional diplomacy and trade, which made its security and economic dependence on the U.S. and Japan less important than before, despite such a thorn as the DPRK nuclear development program.  It follows that the ROK interest in maintaining dialog with Japan gradually lost momentum in the meantime.

1990     Professor Yun Jong-ok contributed to the Hankyoreh Shinmun a four-part article on the “conscripted civilians” from January 4 to 24.  The conscripted civilians (wartime laborers) are not related to the comfort women though the article was about the comfort women.

1990     Shin Kanemaru, leader of the Liberal Democratic Party delegation, and Makoto Tanabe, leader of the Socialist Party delegation visited Pyongyang on September 26 and met General Secretary Kim Il-sung of the Workers’ Party of Korea.  The three parties issued a joint declaration on September 28.  It said, in part, “Regarding normalization of diplomatic relations, the three parties confirmed that the Government of Japan must fully compensate the North Korean people for damages inflicted during the 36-year colonial rule and for 45 years since 1945.”  South Korean President Roh Tae-woo was said to have severely criticized the declaration.  Sticky issues were its references to (1) unification of the Korean Peninsula and (2) compensation of damages to include 45 years after the end of the colonial rule.  The declaration also stated, “Three parties confirmed that it was necessary for them to make efforts to remove nuclear threats in all regions of the world.”

1990     A united front of civic and religious groups launched the Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery (*The Korean Council hereinafter) in December; Professor Yun Jong-ok became its leader.  It appealed to former comfort women to come out to the fore to lodge complaints against the Japanese government.

1991     More than 100 South Korean women began to come forward as self-proclaimed comfort women in response to the Korean Council’s request.  The first one, Kim Hak-sun, held a press conference on August 14.

1991     The Miyazawa administration of Japan which was inaugurated in November began investigations of the comfort women issue.  It made public results of two investigations later.

1992     The Korean Council held its first rally in front of the Japanese Embassy in Seoul to lodge claims against Japan on the comfort women issue.

1992     Etsuro Totsuka, attorney at law, used a word “Sex Slaves” to refer to the comfort women at a committee of the U.N.  His word soon caught on among the self-proclaimed human rights advocates in the world.  Totsuka admitted he had neither found the word in nor loaned it from credible sources he researched; he just coined the word.  Since then, the comfort women were alleged to be sexual slaves and the comfort stations were alleged to be rape centers by certain intellectuals.  (*Had he quoted Victor Hugo, the word could have sounded academic:  “We say that slavery has vanished from European civilization, but this is not true.  Slavery still exists, but now it applies only to women and its name is prostitution.”)

1992     Chief Cabinet Secretary Kato of Japan made public the first-round investigation results as a statement on July 6, which did not find any evidence that Korean women had been forcibly taken to warfront.

1993     A Japanese official presented to his ROK counterpart a draft of a statement Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono would make about the comfort women issue on August 4.  It was a consensus-building effort of Japan toward the ROK regarding the statement’s wordings.  In the evening of August 3, the ROK official contacted the Japanese counterpart and said, “President Kim Young-sam has appraised the draft.  The ROK Government considers it satisfactory.”

1993     Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono of Japan made a statement on August 4 after disclosing the results of the second-round investigation.  The Kono Statement said, in part, “the Government of Japan would like to take this opportunity once again to extend its sincere apologies and remorse to all those, irrespective of place of origin, who suffered immeasurable pain and incurable physical and psychological wounds as comfort women.”  In response, a ROK government spokesman said that the government appreciated the statement because: “The public nature of a support to be provided by the government funding (the Asian Women’s Fund) is added to the statement” and “sincere apologies and remorse by the government are expressed for the persons concerned.”

1993     The Korean Council and the Study Committee on the Conscripted Civilians (wartime laborers) published a book containing witness statements of 19 South Korean self-proclaimed former comfort women.  What they said in it were so impressive in the social context that they established themselves as the utmost “victims” of Japan’s colonial rule.  Fact-finding efforts as well as irrelevancy of their accounts gave way to stereotypical sympathy and pity of the public and the mass media.  Since then, the women themselves could not make any deviation from what they had earlier said.  They have consequently lost their individuality and moral integrity so that they could become a collective, enshrined icon.  (*“I never think of myself as an icon.  What is in other people’s minds is not in my mind. I just do my thing,” said Audrey Hepburn.)

1994     Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama made public in August a plan to establish a civic fund to provide consolation payments for the comfort women, which was officially launched as the Asian Women’s Fund in July 1995.

1995     According to Professor Kazuo Asano, Premier Murayama as a devout socialist was mulling over passing a parliamentary resolution to sum up the past as the 50th anniversary of the war-end was drawing near.  One problem he had at hand was many lawmakers were wary of such a resolution.  In fact, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), a coalition government partner, disagreed to the resolution he proposed.  Even the Communist Party opposed it.  Despite those opposition voices, the premier railroaded a bill for voting in the lower house.  The bill did pass the house with only 230 ayes in the 502-member house, less than a majority.  The bill passed because as many as 250 congresspersons abstained from voting.  The result made Murayama give up another voting attempt in the upper house because another wave of abstention was anticipated.  Premier Murayama then plotted to announce the content of the resolution as his official statement.  He decided to ambush the ministers.  On the morning of August 15, Premier Murayama summoned a Cabinet Ministers’ meeting and read out his statement to the 21-member Cabinet, among whom 13 were LDP members.  Having been taken by surprise, no one uttered even a single word.  He took their silence as acquiescence and adjourned the meeting.

1995     Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama issued a statement to commemorate 50th anniversary of the end of the Pacific War on August 15, without express consent of the LDP.  He said, in part, “During a certain period in the not too distant past, Japan, following a mistaken national policy, advanced along the road to war, only to ensnare the Japanese people in a fateful crisis, and, through its colonial rule and aggression, caused tremendous damage and suffering to the people of many countries, particularly to those of Asian nations.  In the hope that no such mistake be made in the future, I regard, in a spirit of humility, these irrefutable facts of history, and express here once again my feelings of deep remorse and state my heartfelt apology.  Allow me also to express my feelings of profound mourning for all victims, both at home and abroad, of that history.”

1995     The Murayama Statement was generally accepted as a government apology until October that year when he said at the House of Councilors, “The treaty to annex the Korean Empire to Japan had been lawfully signed,” which rekindled protests in the ROK against Japan.  The Kim Young-sam administration changed its stance from favorable to unsatisfactory regarding the Asian Women’s Fund for the comfort women.

1995     George Hicks published a book titled “The Comfort Women” with arbitrary and complacent choice of uncorroborated data.  (*“Facts do not cease to exist because they are ignored,” according to Aldous Huxley.)

1995     The Asian Women Fund was established in Japan for the former comfort women.  It was disestablished in 2007 upon completion of all programs.

1995     A preliminary report on the comfort women submitted by Radhika Coomaraswamy to a U.N. committee was unanimously approved on March 7.  Coomaraswamy had in it a clear recognition that (1) the comfort women issue pertinent to the Japanese military was not an issue of the past and (2) it would be a legal precedence to deal with a similar crime that was committed in the past, was being committed at present, and was to be committed in future.  The report, after additional editing, was published in February 1996 as the Coomaraswamy Report.  (*The report—a mixture of facts and fabrications—has become the most notorious case of Gresham’s Law:  When there is a legal tender currency, bad money drives out good money.)

1996     Moon Ok-chu had her life story published as a book.  She vividly described her experience in warfront.  She sent home money by post; she saved money in post office.  She was a bona fide comfort woman from the Korean Peninsula.

1996     The ROK became a member of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in December, which proved the nation has accomplished unprecedented economic transformation in half a century.  Along with the G20 membership in 1999, the ROK secured the position of a world leader on par with Japan, which meant its stance could go from bearish to bullish on issues involving Japan.

1998     The McDougall Report on the comfort women issue was submitted to a U.N. committee as an appendix, which was accepted by the committee members as an authentic document.  (*The report has become the second-most notorious case of Gresham’s Law.)

1998     Ikuhiko Hata suggested Seiji Yoshida in September to publicly admit he had fabricated stories of abducting hundreds of Korean women to make them comfort women.  Having acknowledged his wrongs to Hata, Yoshida still disregarded Hata’s suggestion until his death.

1998     The Asian Women’s Fund published a 5-part book titled “Seifu-Chosa Jugun-Ianfu Kankei Shiryo Shusei [Compilation of Materials Related to the Military Comfort Women Investigated by the Government of Japan] (author translation).  This book contains valuable information to counter South Korean allegations, however, the published accounts of the self-proclaimed former comfort women overwhelmed its importance.

1999     The ROK, being recognized as a great economy, became a member of G20 in September when it was established with the aim to discuss policy pertaining to the promotion of international financial stability.  The nation hosted the leaders’ summit in 2010.  G7, on the other hand, developed from G5 with the U.S., the U.K, Germany, France, Italy in 1973, adding Japan in 1975 and Canada in 1976 and Russia in 1998—Russia’s participation has been suspended since 2014.  One reason for leaders of those nations to establish the forum was due to their disappointment with the U.N.  The PRC and the USSR always used veto power on security issues before the Cold War was over.  At present, there is a talk to establish a new United Nations, excluding the PRC.

2000     The Women’s International War Crimes Tribunal on Japan’s Military Sexual Slavery was held in Tokyo in December.  A final statement was issued in the Netherlands in December 2001.  This event is not explained further here because the statement was unilateral and self-complacent; witness statements of the ROK self-proclaimed comfort women sufficiently encompass what the tribunal wanted to claim.  (*Mahatma Gandhi said, “There is a higher court than courts of justice and that is the court of conscience.  It supersedes all other courts.”)

2001     A Japanese Embassy staffer in Seoul complained to visiting Liberal Democratic Party members from Japan that the ROK counterpart never failed to mention what the Chinese would do whenever he wanted to discuss bilateral economic issues.  China has become more influential over the ROK than before, which relatively lowered the ROK attention to Japan.

2002     Professor Kim Gi-ok disclosed at an international symposium held in Kyoto on February 23 that the ROK military operated comfort stations with comfort women in the name of the Fifth Logistic Items around the Korean War.

2002     Japan’s Premier Junichiro Koizumi visited Pyongyang in September.  The premier and Chairman Kim Jong-Il of the DPRK National Defense Commission issued the Japan-DPRK Pyongyang Declaration on September 17.  The declaration states, in part, “Both sides, pursuant to the basic principle that when the bilateral relationship is normalized both Japan and the DPRK would mutually waive all their property and claims and those of their nationals that had arisen from causes which occurred before August 15, 1945, decided that they would discuss this issue of property and claims concretely in the normalization talks.”  This declaration corrected what the 1990 three-party declaration mentioned about the claims issue.

2005     The ROK government disclosed in January 1,200 pages of diplomatic documents that recorded the proceeding of the treaty signed by the ROK and Japan in 1965.  The documents, kept secret for 40 years, recorded that the Japanese government actually proposed to the ROK government to directly compensate individual victims, but it was the ROK government which insisted that it would handle individual compensations to its citizens.  Then it received the whole amount of grants (300 million dollars) on behalf of the victims.  TV Tokyo, a Japanese TV network, cited the documents in World Business Satellite on 16 August 2019 as follows:  “The Roh Moo-hyun government presented an official opinion in 2005 that the issue of conscripted civilians (wartime laborers) had already been settled by the Claims Agreement:  The government was responsible for individually compensating them and the relief committee (the Claims Fund management committee) consisting of government officials and civilians provided relief for war victims from a holistic perspective.”  Be it official documents or statements, the South Koreans uphold today’s justice over what took place in the past; hence, compensation claims of civilians got rekindled.”

2006     Yuko Suzuki, Yeong-ae Yamashita, and Masaru Tonomura published a 2-part book titled “Nihongun Ianfu Kankei Shiryo Shusei” [Collections of Materials Related to the Comfort Women of the Japanese Military] (author translation).  This book contains valuable information to counter South Korean allegations, however, the published accounts of the self-proclaimed former comfort women overwhelmed its importance.

2007     The U.S. Congress passed the resolution 121 on July 30 to criticize Japan on the comfort women issue.  Mike Honda and others, asserting contemporary justice, successfully brushed damaging facts under the rug after three self-proclaimed comfort women took the witness stand on February 15.  Similar resolutions were adopted in the Netherlands, Canada, and EU, which was attributable to successful campaigns made by the Korean Council.

2007     The Asian Women’s Fund was disestablished on March 31, upon completion of all programs to compensate for the former comfort women in countries, including the Netherlands; They included some of the self-proclaimed comfort women as well.

2007     Professor Park Yu-ha was awarded the Jiro Osaragi Prize for Critiques for her book titled Wakai no Tame ni – Kyokasho, Ianfu, Yasukuni, Dokudo [For conciliation on school textbooks, comfort women, the Yasukuni Shrine, and the Dokdo] (author translation) by the Asashi Shimbun.  It was a translation of the book she published in 2005 in South Korea.  She criticized the Korean Council for exercising violence of justice and appraised the Asian Women’s Fund.  Quite a few intellectuals criticized her verbally and in writing.

2008     The Asia Coalition Forum for the Japanese Military Comfort Women (日本軍「慰安婦」問題アジア連帯会議) hosted its 9th convention on November 23-25 in Japan.  The coalition forum adopted action platforms.  Platform 3 states that it supports foreign countries’ campaigns for the comfort women issue and damage recovery projects, that it forms a joint front with them, and that it promotes campaigns to share historical awareness, to pass down to posterity memories of the issue, and not to tolerate any violence upon women or human rights infringement.  In the background of the action platforms above were resolutions it respectively adopted at the 3rd convention in February 1995, the 4th one in March 1996, and the 5th one in April 1998.  They were (1) to inform the world of inhuman crimes the Japanese military had committed, (2) to strengthen the tie with the women in the concerned countries in Asia, (3) to persuade the concerned governments to encourage Japan to solve the issue, and (4) to step up campaigns in the U.N.  (*Marcus Aurelius said, “Everything we hear is an opinion, not a fact.  Everything we see is a perspective, not the truth.”)

2009     The ROK Administrative Court in Seoul made public in August the existence of a document submitted to the court by the ROK Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade (*Ministry of Foreign Affairs since 2013).  The document, in part, states, “It is difficult for the government to re-assert the claims to the Japanese government because the 300 million-dollar it had received as grants through the Claims Agreement is considered to include the deposited money (unpaid salaries) for the civilians conscripted for work in Japan.”

2010     Rumiko Nishino and Kim Puja published a book that contained statements of 25 South Korean self-proclaimed former comfort women.  (*It is strange for the book to contain stories of six of the 19 self-proclaimed women whose statements were already published as a book in 1993.  They have also become a collective, enshrined icon).

2010     A group of Korean expatriates erected a comfort woman cenotaph in Palisades Park, New Jersey in October, the first one in the U.S. soil.  (*Words carved in it—more than 200,000 women and girls who were abducted—will continue to disgrace the Korean pride till it gets removed.)

2011     The Korean Council erected on December 14 a comfort girl/women statue or a statue of peace in front of the Japanese Embassy in Seoul to commemorate its 1,000th Wednesday demonstration.  (*A cenotaph attached to the statue fails to mention victims of the Korean patriarchal system.  It also fails to mention the prostitution license system had alleviated financial hardships the comfort women’s parents had.  Of note is a fact that the statue was erected not to remember the girl but to commemorate the Korean Council’s continued demonstrations.)

2011     The ROK constitutional court rendered a decision in August that it was unconstitutional for the ROK government not to have fully committed itself to solve the comfort women issue.

2012     David Lee, leader of the Korean American Public Affairs Committee, led efforts to erect a comfort women cenotaph in Nassau County, New York.  The cenotaph, the second one in the U.S. was placed in Eisenhauer Park in June.  He is also a leader of a Korean lobbyist group.  He said, “It is votes and political campaign funding that can successfully lobby politicians in the U.S.”  On the motive of New York State Senator Tony Avella who supported a resolution on the comfort women, State Congressman Ron Kim said, “Mr. Avera is not interested in the comfort women issue.  He merely acted to get cooperation of Mr. Lee and to get a spotlight in the mass media during elections.  Politicians in New York act when the New York Times reports something of interest.  They care less about protest mails from Japan about the comfort women issue.”  Lee is planning to host an exhibition on the comfort women issue because he entertains a thought that the comfort women issue was a case of Asian holocaust (*Sawada, Katsumi. (2015). Tokyo. Bungei Shunju).

2012     The ROK Supreme Court remanded in May the two lawsuits filed by groups of former conscripted civilians (wartime laborers) to the high courts, stating that the Property and Claims Agreement of 1965 had been signed between the two nations without explicit agreement on the legality of colonial rule or the lawful reparations for forced, conscripted civilians and, therefore, negative prescription was not applicable to individual claims.

2012     The ROK and Japan were supposed to sign the General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA) in June.  The ROK abruptly cancelled the signing ceremony an hour before it was to begin.  Behind the scene was a serious concern for China by the opposition parties in the ROK Assembly.  Lee Hae-chan, chairperson of the Democratic United Party, said to the press corps, “Our nation’s trade with China exceeds that with the U.S. and Japan combined.”  Park Jie-won, the party’s Assembly leader, said, “We celebrate the 20th anniversary of the establishment of diplomacy with China this year.  A political gamble to dislocate China in favor of Japan must be immediately abandoned.”  The Agreement was signed in November 2016.

2012     Professor Moon Jong-in of the Yonsei University in Seoul said in an article of the Chosun Ilbo in August, “If someone says we have lived with the U.S. for the past 50 years, I would say, we must live with China for the next 50 years.”  2012 marked the 20th anniversary of the establishment of the ROK-PRC diplomatic relations.  (*Professor Moon may be siding with Bruce Lee who said, “Long-term consistency trumps short-term intensity.”)

2012     Lee Yong-soo, a self-proclaimed comfort woman, who took a witness stand at the U.S. Congress in 2007 when the Resolution 121 was passed, said, “I am the Dokdo and the Dokdo is Yong-soo” on the article of the Yeongnam Ilbo dated September 14.  What she meant is the comfort women issue should be treated in the same way as the territorial issue over Japan’s Takeshima (Dokdo in Korean).  (*She attempted to throw herself at President Donald Trump at a presidential banquet in South Korea on November 7, 2017.  President Trump did hold her arm away by his right hand while paying courtesy to her.  Saint Basil the Great said, “He who sows courtesy reaps friendship.”  But she did not.)

2013     The Korean Council began in spring a campaign to collect 100 million signatures from all over the world to pressure Japan to take responsibilities for the comfort women issue.

2013     A group of Korean expatriates erected on July 30 a comfort girl/woman statue or a statue of peace in Glendale, California, the first one in the U.S. soil.  The statue is identical with that installed in front of the Japanese Embassy in Seoul (*Efforts to erect more statues in America are understandable but adding one after another would tarnish the Korean pride because each carries a message that false allegations can overcome facts).

2013     An Byeong-jik, a Professor Emeritus at Seoul National University, published a book titled Nihon-gun Iansho Kanri-nin no Nikki [Diaries of a book-keeper of the Japanese military comfort station] (author translation) from Naksungdae Institute of Economic Research on August 30.  The book is a translation of the diaries kept by Park (Mr.) from 1943 to 1944.  Park started keeping a diary almost every day from 1922 to 1957 but those for 1928, 1942, 1945-1950 are missing—A sculptor found the diaries at a second-hand bookstore in 2000.  Prior to the book publication, Professor An said in an article of the Chosun Ilbo dated August 7, 2013, “The comfort women can be said to have been forcibly conscripted in a broader sense of the term.”  He said in an article of the Mainichi Shimbun dated August 7, 2013, “It was the agents who recruited women in Korea.  There was no need for the military to forcibly conscript women in the elementary sense.”  The professor concluded in the book, “It would not be much of a problem to consider the military comfort women as being sexual slaves under the circumstance of those days.”

2014     Professor Su Zhiliang at Shanghai Normal University co-authored with Peipei Qiu and Chen Lifei “Chinese Comfort Women: Testimonies from Imperial Japan’s Sex Slaves” from Oxford University Press in June.  Professor Su stated in the book the total number of the comfort women was 400,000, of whom 200,000 were Chinese.  (*Had one sexual slave tended 10 troops a day on average in warfront, 4 million troops must have been given liberty to visit the rape centers per day.  Had she served 30 troops a day on average, 12 million troops went to the rape centers each day.  How many were fighting in frontline when there were approximately 3 million troops in the entire theater of operation?  Had Professor Su read Victor Hugo works, he must have learned this saying, “It is the essence of truth that it is never excessive….  We must not resort to the flame where only light is required.”)

2014     The Asahi Shimbun printed more than a few pages of articles regarding its re-investigation of the comfort women issue in the August 5 edition.  Retracting 16 articles that had been written from 1980 through 1994, the daily concluded that testimonies made by Seiji Yoshida were false.  (*A one-time correction is fine, but it is meaningless unless the daily continues to write articles from the consistent, realistic, and responsible perspective afterwards.  Since then, the Korean Council stopped referring to Yoshida, however, the allegation that 200,000 Korean women had been abducted still stands high.)

2014     President Obama was scheduled to meet President Park Geun-hye in Seoul on June 25.  As the summit was drawing near, President Park ordered her staff to contact Beijing to set up a telephone consultation with China’s Chairman Xi Jinping.  She did talk with the chairman, two days prior to the presidential visit, to discuss on the North Korean nuclear missile issue and the Northeast Asia situation.  On the morning of June 25, the Joong-an Ilbo printed on Page 1 an article of an interview in writing with the president.  President Obama said in it, “It is not extraordinary for South Korea and China to boost economic cooperation in consideration of the two nations’ geographic closeness and history.  It is, however, the United States that can provide the basis of South Korean security and prosperity.”  President Obama knew the phone consultation had taken place.

2014     Professor Park Yu-ha published a book titled “Comfort women of the empire” (*Publishing a book or an opinion piece that provides impartial analyses and thoughts never fails to put an author’s reputation and sometimes his/her life at risk).  Professor Park became the accused in a libel suit and was given a fine later.

2015     Japan’s TBS TV journalist Noriyuki Yamaguchi unearthed documents to prove the South Korean military operated comfort stations in South Vietnam during the Vietnam War.  His findings were reported in the April 2 issue of a weekly magazine.  (*“We cannot use a double standard for measuring our own and other people’s policies.  Our demands for democratic practices in other lands will be no more effective than the guarantees of those practiced in our own country,” according to Hubert H. Humphrey.)

2015     Japanese and South Korean Foreign Ministers met on December 28 and jointly and respectively made an announcement to close the comfort women issue.  Both ministers said, “It was confirmed that the issue of comfort women, a long-standing issue over many years between Japan and the ROK, is resolved finally and irreversibly.”  During a subsequent Japan-ROK summit telephone call, Premier Abe and President Park confirmed and appreciated the agreement. Furthermore, they confirmed that they would take responsibility to implement this agreement, and that they would deal with various issues based on the spirit of this agreement.  (*“Unless both sides win, no agreement can be permanent,” said President Jimmy Carter.  The bilateral agreement was unilaterally negated by President Moon in 2017.  Who won?)

2016     Professor Oh Sonfa of the Takushoku University of Japan said that there were two reasons for the ROK concession to the bilateral agreement of December 28, 2015 on the comfort women issue.  One—which is larger than the other—is a summit meeting held in the White House in October 2015.  President Obama is said to have strongly urged President Park to promote friendly relations with Japan.  The president said later at a press availability that he hoped the history-related issue to be solved despite its difficulty.  The other relates to the South Korean economy that has been dwindling due to the recent rise of the won currency and the slowdown of the Chinese economy.   South Korean business leaders met with the Japanese counterparts in Seoul in May 2015.  They expressed their hope of signing a central bank liquidity swap between the ROK and Japan and the ROK participation in the Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership (TPP) in which Japan is a key player.  Professor Oh provided the analyses above in an article she contributed to the Sapio, a monthly magazine of March 2016.

2016     The ROK government announced on July 8 THAAD missiles would be deployed to the U.S. Forces, Korea.  Its Defense Ministry made a follow-up announcement on July 13 that it had chosen the location of a missile site.  Though China and Russia severely criticized the deployment plan, the first elements of the THAAD system arrived at Osan Air Base in Pyeongtaek, South Korea on March 6, 2017.  China, after its protests were ignored by the ROK, issued on March 17 a decree to prohibit domestic tourist agencies from selling group tours to South Korea, which immediately took effect.  On September 7, four additional launch pads to the existing two and construction equipment/materials arrived at the missile site.  According to the Hankyoreh Shinmun of March 13, 2019, the U.S. Forces, Korea submitted to the government a project plan for the missile site on February 21.  There are numerous procedures to take before an environment assessment appraisal gets started.  The assessment work alone is expected to continue at least one year.

2016     Inuhiko Yomota, writer on comparative literature, contributed to a book an opinion piece regarding “Comfort Women of the Empire” Professor Park Yu-ha wrote.  He has it that the historic memories are grouped into four layers from top to bottom:  (1) National memories whose character is sacred and inviolable; (2) Vernacular discourses which the mass media strategically choreographed, put on record, and provided for the public, not as history but as a myth in a precise sense of the term; (3) Voices that can be heard only through the help of the intellectuals and the mass media; and (4) A spell of silence looming over those who are at the bottom, prime examples of them are former Korean and Japanese comfort women who dared not come out to the fore.

              Why has Professor Park become a target of a barrage of slander and libel in South Korea and Japan, questions Yomota.  It is because she presented alternative voices—that are possibly realistic—against the dominant vernacular discourse, because she tirelessly chronicled how the “official memories” had intentionally created a comfort women myth over the years until now, and because she courageously attempted to put the issue in relative perspectives, in her grand vision to scrutinize East Asian nation states that embodied the imperialism and the patriarchy in modern times (Asano, Toyomi/Ogura, Kizou/Nishi, Masahiko (Ed.) (2017). Taiwa no Tame ni—Teikoku no Ianfu” to Iu Toi wo Hiraku [To promote dialog—by reviewing questions posed by “Comfort Women of the Empire”] (author translation). Tokyo. Crane).  (*Friedrich Nietzsche pointed out this.  “Here the ways of men (*humans) divide.  If you wish to strive for peace of soul and happiness, then believe; if you wish to be a disciple of truth, then inquire.”)

2017      Shigeharu Oku, a former member of the Self-Defense Force of Japan, travelled in March to the National Cemetery for Overseas Koreans in South Korea where Seiji Yoshida erected in 1983 a cenotaph of apology for Korean women whom he had abducted.   Oku covered the cenotaph—at the request of Yoshida’s son—with another one he brought himself.  The new cenotaph inscribed “Commemorative Stone” in Japanese.  The ROK police put Oku under house arrest for having damaged a public property.  A district court sentenced Oku to imprisonment with hard labor for six months with a stay of execution for two years.  Oku returned to Japan after approximately 200 days of house arrest.  (*Winston Churchill said, “Success is not final, failure is not fatal: it is the courage to continue that counts.)

2017     President Moon Jae-in said, after inaugurated to the office, the foreign ministerial announcements of December 2015 had not solved the comfort women issue.

2017     Professor Choi Kil-seong published in November a book titled Chosen Shusshin no Choba-nin ga Mita Ianfu no Shinjitsu [Facts on comfort women a Korean bookkeeper saw] (author translation) from Heart Shuppan Publishing in Tokyo.  Professor Choi, as anthropologist, gave thoughts to the 1943-1944 diaries Mr. Park kept (*Those Professor An Byeong-jik also referenced in 2013).  Park spent over two years in Burma and Singapore, departing Pusan on July 10, 1942 and embarking on a ship from Singapore for home on December 17, 1944.  Professor Choi narrates Park having registered and unregistered comfort women for taking on the job or for going home at local police authorities, having mailed money by post and bank for comfort women, having gone out in town with comfort women for ceremonial celebrations, etc.  He also mentioned the presence of many Koreans in Burma and Singapore:  They established a business network in Burma, Singapore, East Timor, Sumatra, Malaysia, Thailand, and Borneo; and their businesses included not only comfort stations but also dining rooms, restaurants, rice product stores, confectioneries, tofu (soybean curd) shops, oil refineries, photo shops, and the likes.  (*Had all Korean comfort women been sexual slaves there, all Korean business operators must have paid no attention to the women’s ordeals, not to mention Park, even though they were from the same peninsula.  All of them must have been of satanic characters.)

2018     Hideo Tanaka published a book titled Semarang Iansho Jiken no Shinjitsu [Facts about the Semarang comfort stations] (author translation) in which Major Keiji Okada diaries shed a new light to the Semarang Incident.  (*Despite the insinuation otherwise made by the Kono Statement of 1993, the military authorities did not force dozens of Dutchwomen to become comfort women.)

2018     The Korean Council changed  in July its Korean name to the Justice Coalition, without changing its English name.  The Council members belatedly recognized the original name was misleading and wrong.

2018     The City of Osaka severed the sister-city relationship with the City of San Francisco in October over the comfort women issue.

2018     The South Korean Supreme Court rendered two judgment respectively in October and November to favor the claims of two groups of former conscripted civilians (wartime laborers) and to order the accused to pay compensation money.

2018     The ROK Navy destroyer Gwanggaeto the Great with STIR-180 medium-to-long range fire-control (FC) radar system locked on to a P-1 patrol aircraft of the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force flying over Japan’s Exclusive Economic Zone on December 20.  Locking continued for several minutes and multiple times—locking on to a target with the FC radar is generally considered as a hostile act before actual firing of an anti-air missile.  The patrol aircraft radioed to the destroyer by using three separate bands only to receive no response.  In the immediate area were a DPRK fishing boat, a ROK patrol and rescue vessel, and two lifeboats deployed from shipboard, in addition to the destroyer.  The ROK government, changing its accounts a few times, denied using the FC radar at the P-1 or receiving radio transmissions from the P-1.  (*Martin Luther King, Jr. said, “Knowledge is a process of piling up facts; wisdom lies in their simplification.”  King—who fell to a shot in Memphis on April 4, 1968—did not see a sea change in civil rights movements later.  Even if he was a seafarer, he wouldn’t have changed his belief.)

2019     President Trump flew to Seoul on June 29 from the G20 summit meeting in Japan.  Having attended a banquet hosted by President Moon that evening, President Trump praised First Lady Kim to the skies a few times even on the following day for her commitment to the country.  It is not clear if his praise originated from a glittering broach the lady had on her evening dress.  The broach was a blue butterfly.  For some, a blue butterfly is a symbol of opposition to the deployment of THAAD to the Korean soil because of the movie Blue Butterfly Effect released on June 22, 2017.  According to a Washington insider, President Trump tends to lavishly praise things or people when he is not happy with them.

2019     On July 1, the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry made public that it would strictly apply the export control system to materials to be exported to the ROK.  There are two specific measures to be taken for the proper operation of the system.  They are (1) to review the appropriateness of the present export control category awarded to the ROK and (2) to reverse the present comprehensive export permit back to the former individual export permit regarding certain items to be exported to the ROK.

              The ministry explained those measures were necessary due to concerns that inappropriate cases of export control had been reported regarding the ROK, which damaged the mutual trust between Japan and the ROK.

              The ministry review does not mean Japan would not export the three controlled items to the ROK.  It means each export request (contract) needs to be individually permitted instead of comprehensive rubber-stamping, which had been the case with the ROK until 2004.  Developed nations in Europe have not recognized the ROK as a White Nation.

2019     On August 2, the Japanese government decided to place the ROK in Group B of the four existing categories for the export control system.  Group A—formerly White Nations—lists 26 nations, including the U.S. and Britain.  Group B includes Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, South Africa, Turkey, etc.  Group C includes nations not listed in Groups A, B, or D.  Group D lists ten nations such as Afghanistan, Iraq, and the DPRK.

2019     On August 22, the ROK announced that it would not renew the General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA) with Japan.  The Agreement would be officially null and void on November 22.

「民族の誇りを掲げて~僭越ながら、私は大韓民国に尋ねたいことがある Upholding the ethnic pride~I am not in position to make a proposal, but I would like to ask a few questions to South Korea 」

長尾秀美(元在日米海軍司令部渉外報道専門官・小説家)氏よりいいただいた「民族の誇りを掲げて」日本語と英語版をご紹介します。

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民族の誇りを掲げて

 僭越ながら、私は大韓民国に尋ねたいことがある。

 この場では日本と韓国とに関わる白村江の戦い(663年)や豊臣秀吉の朝鮮出兵(1592年、1597年)などには立ち入らない。日朝修好条規(1876年)、日韓議定書(1904年、日本が韓国皇室、韓国の独立及び領土を確実に保障し、片務的防衛義務を負う)、日韓併合に関する条約(1910年)どからの時期を扱う。

 中国はさて置き、韓国が歴史について日本政府への批判を始めたのは、1982年、日本の出版社が歴史教科書の一部を改訂し、日本の東アジアへの「侵略」を「進出」とした時からだ。1991年、韓国の団体は、当初挺身隊と慰安婦(許可を受けた公娼)とを混同したまま、日本政府に対し慰安婦への謝罪と損害賠償を請求し始めた。1992年、戸塚弁護士が国連人権委員会で慰安婦を性奴隷と言い換えると、韓国側は慰安婦の社会的背景や戦地での実生活には蓋をし、人権侵害問題だけを焦点とし、日本政府をさらに非難した。2015年、日韓両政府は外相会談で合意に達し、慰安婦問題に終止符を打った。ところが2017年に就任した文在寅大統領はその合意を批判した。そして2018年、韓国大審院が元徴用工(戦時朝鮮人労働者)の訴えを認める判決を下した。以来、日韓関係は最悪の状況になっている。

 韓国側は、日本側の誤った歴史認識が今日の状況をもたらしたと主張している。「日本が軍国主義を復活させようと画策している」という極端な主張さえも出ている。

 尋ねたいこと:

 問① 韓国は日本との敵礼(対等の礼を行なうこと)を維持しようとしているのか。明朝、清朝の時代に敵礼はあったが、日本側の解釈は一時期やや異なっていた。21世紀の現在、清朝さえ歴史の彼方にある。日本と韓国は国際社会あるいは国際連合の構図の中にある。昨今の言動を見聞きする限り、韓国は日本だけを敵国としている。それはまるで日本が存在する限り、韓国自体が独立国として存在し得ないような振る舞いなのだ。言い換えると、日本という隣人がいなければ、「韓国には歴史認識など必要ない」と言える状況だ。

問② 韓国人はそれでいいと考えているのか。

問③ 韓国は、1876年から1945年までの歴史をどう解釈しているのか。こう問い掛けても韓国の歴史教科書を云々する意図はない。阿附(あふ)・事大、交隣・羈縻(きび)、冊封・宗属、衛正斥邪がもたらした社会的影響について、韓国が自国民にどう教えているのか、を問うている。これらの思想・方針を持ち出すのは、韓民族の自立と自信とを再構築する余地があると考えるからだ。こんな言い方をすれば、韓国人の歴史認識に難癖を付けるのか、と非難されるだろう。そうではない。ある時期に影響力が大だった考え方をきちんと整理するという意味を国民がよく理解していれば、おのずから韓民族の誇りは生まれ育っていくし、彼らには修正能力があるという証明にもなる言論の自由は尊重されなければならないが、民族を分裂させ、民族を害する言論は容認するべきではない。しかしその脈絡での言論とは、日本政府および日本人の専売品ではない。国際問題を国内問題として捉えることに異論はないが、成熟した民主主義国家は健全な言論の自由を保障することができなければならない。

 韓国(朝鮮)には檀君(紀元前2370年)以来の歴史がある。

問④ 彼らの歴史認識が日本と対峙するためだけのものなら、そもそも彼らにとって歴史は必要なのか。

問⑤ 4千年を超える過去と将来に対し、彼らに必要なのは四海に誇るべき韓国史観ではないのか。

問⑥ 彼らは韓民族の誇りの下に結集するべきではないのか。彼らは灰の中から何度も立ち上がろうと悪戦奮闘し、不死鳥のごとく立ち上がって来た。東学民乱、3.1運動、6.25動乱、5.16軍事革命は、血の涙を流した忘れ得ない一里塚だったはずだ。

 故朴正熙大統領の功績は偉大だ。しかし陰の部分を指摘する評価もある。それはそれとして、彼は大統領になる1年前、歴史と自己(*国体)の確立について以下のように述べている

 歴史は人間の主体的な努力と意欲によって克服される歴史である。国を守ったにしても失ったにしても、民族文化を向上させたにしても後退させたにしても、ともかく韓国歴史という地球の一角に築かれた事実に対して責任を負わねばならないものはほかならぬわが民族であり韓国の国民である。

自己を確立するということは、自律性と自発性を確立するという意味である。…。今日、わが民族に切実に要求されるのは、何よりもまず「自己の確立」である。これのみが過ぎし日の腐敗と不正を一掃することのできる、根本的契機であるといっても過言ではない。

 余談になるが、私は1971年と1972年の夏休みの殆どを韓国で過ごした。そのうちの2週間、私たち30人の日本人大学生は、同数の韓国大学生と一緒に道路を整備した。彼らは一様に、「これからの我が国は益々発展します」と口を揃えて言っていた。民族の誇りが彼らの言動からほとばしっていた。

 近代の歴史認識について、日本ではいわゆる人権派に属する知識人や団体が自虐史観を標榜している。しかしこれも民主主義の側面だ。彼らが皇室の存在、江戸幕府や明治維新をどう捉えているかは分からないが、彼らとて日本民族の誇りまでを放擲(ほうてき)しているとは考えられない。彼らは言うまでもなく多くの国民は、万葉集、源氏物語、枕草子などの文学に、封建制度を打破した明治維新に、自然科学の発展に寄与したノーベル賞受賞者に、野球やテニスやサッカーで国際的に活躍する青年たちに、そして何より、戦後以来継続して保持している民主主義に誇りを持っている筈だ。

問⑦ さて現状をどうするべきか。私は韓国に対し、「お互いに妥協し、協力し合おう」とは言わない。「民族の誇りを前提に、話し合いだけは続けよう」と言いたい。もちろん、ねつ造ではなく事実に基づく話し合いのことだが。

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Upholding the ethnic pride

              I am not in position to make a proposal, but I would like to ask a few questions to South Korea.

              I am not intending, herein, to refer all the way back to the Battle of Baekgang-gu in 663, invasions of Korea by Hideyoshi Toyotomi in 1592 and 1597, or other historic events involving Japan and South Korea. The periods I mention are from the Japan–Korea Treaty of 1876, the Japan–Korea Treaty of 1904 (agreed by Japan to Article II: The Imperial Government of Japan shall in a spirit of firm friendship ensure the safety and repose of the Imperial House of Korea and Article III: The Imperial Government of Japan definitively guarantee the independence and territorial integrity of the Korean Empire, etc.), and the Japan–Korea Treaty of 1910.

              Setting aside China, it was in 1982 when South Korea began to criticize Japan for perceptions of history.  It derives from revisions of certain history textbooks in Japan in which “invasions” of Japan to East Asia were rephrased to “moving in.”  In 1991, a coalition of civic groups began to demand apology and reparations to the Japanese government for the comfort women (licensed prostitutes), erroneously identifying them at first as the voluntary labor corps.  In 1992, Etsuro Totsuka rephrased the comfort women as sexual slaves at a United Nations forum, which transformed the comfort women issue to a case of human rights violations, by ignoring the reality of their social background or life in warfront.  The Japanese and the South Korean governments reached an agreement on the comfort women issue at the foreign ministers’ meeting in 2015.  President Moon Jae-in—inaugurated to the office in 2017—criticized the bilateral agreement.  In 2018, the South Korean Supreme Court rendered two judgments to side with the self-proclaimed forcibly conscripted Koreans (wartime Korean laborers).  Since then, the bilateral relations have sunk into a disastrous level.

              The South Koreans claim that it is Japan’s biased perceptions of history that have caused the grievous situation of today.  An extreme opinion among them is that Japan is intending to revitalize militarism.

              Now, questions I mentioned earlier are as follows:

Question 1: Has South Korea been trying to maintain diplomatic relations with Japan on an equal footing?

              It did so while the Ming Dynasty and the Qing Dynasty were in power in China although there was a difference in nuance on the part of Japan.  Now that we live in the 21st century, even the Qing dynasty is history.  South Korea as well as Japan is a part of the international community and both nations are members of the United Nations.  Seoul’s speeches and behaviors of late appear to make Tokyo its sole hostile government in the entire world.  Because of their impact, I am tempted to suspect South Korean existence as an independent nation depends on Japan alone.  Allow me to rephrase it.  The situation I see now is it would be unnecessary for the South Koreans to have their own historical perceptions if Japan does not exist as its neighbor.

Question 2: Are they happy without theirs?

Question 3: How have the South Koreans interpreted their own history from 1876 to 1945?

              I am not posing this question to interfere with history textbooks they have.  My question is to understand what they have been taught about social influences brought about by such key matters as 阿附(아부, abu, flattering), 事大(사대, sadae, serving the great)、交隣(교린, gyorin, neighborly relation), 羈縻(기미, gimi, tying a horse with a long leash), 冊封(책봉, chaekbong, tributary system), 宗属(종속, jongsok, suzerainty relation), and 衛正斥邪(위정척사, wijeong-cheoksa, protecting the right and rejecting the evil).  I intentionally brought up those thoughts and policies because there is still room for the South Koreans of today to reconstruct their ethnic identity and confidence.  This kind of observation would probably make them denounce me for quibbling over their historical perceptions.  I am not quibbling at all.  What I meant above is: If they are to understand well why it is necessary to straighten out the influential thoughts of certain periods of their time, the ethnic Korean pride would be spontaneously born and get refined, which is to prove they have the capability to make changes.  Freedom of speech is fine, but they must not allow it to divide and jeopardize their ethnic integrity.  The freedom of speech in the context above is NOT the exclusive property of the Japanese government or the Japanese people.  Though I would not object to incorporating an international issue as a domestic one, a mature, democratic nation must be capable of vouchsafing healthy freedom of speech.

              Korea has a long history that dates from the birth of Dangun (2,370 B.C.).

Question 4: If South Korean perceptions of history solely depend upon the presence of Japan, do they need their own history at all?

Question 5: For the past 4,000 plus years and for future, isn’t what they need the world-class Korean view of history?

Question 6: Shouldn’t the ethnic Koreans get united with pride in their nation?  They have struggled to rise and risen phoenix-like from the ashes.  The Donghak Peasant Revolution, the Sam-Il (3.1) Movement, the 6.25 War, and the 5.16 Military coup d’État must have been unforgettable, blood-stained milestones for it.

              No doubt the late President Park Chung-hee accomplished a lot for his country.   What I would like to emphasize here is not the dark side of his administration.  One year before his becoming the South Korean president, he wrote about history and the establishment of the self-identity (*national or ethnic identity) as follows (*author translation).

              “History is something that can be overcome by man’s proactive efforts and motivation.  Whatever the case may have been, we must acknowledge our past as having defended or lost our country and as having developed the ethnic culture or set it back.  It is we, the people of South Korea, who must bear responsibility for facts that have been inscribed in the history of our nation that is in the corner of the world.

                … 

              Forging the self-identity means to secure autonomy and demonstrate initiative.  …  What is demanded of our people today is, more than anything else, to set up the self-identity.  It is not too much to say that only our resolve to exploit this fundamental momentum can liquidate the corruption and injustice of the past.”

              I would like to mention, off the subject, my personal experience.  I spent almost all summer recess from university in South Korea in 1971 and 1972.  30 Japanese students worked for two weeks at a road construction site, hand in hand with as many South Korean students each time.  They, without exception, talked about the nation’s future with confidence by saying, “Our nation will continue to considerably evolve from now on.”  Their words and deeds were full of their ethnic pride.

              In Japan, the self-proclaimed human rights advocates want to loudly talk about the nation’s modern history in a negative sense.  This is one facet of democracy.  I am not so sure of what they think about the existence of the Imperial Household and the Shogun government and the Meiji Restoration, however, I would not jump to a conclusion that they have forsaken the ethnic pride as the Japanese.  Not only they but also the public at large must be proud of literatures such as Manyoshu (Collection of poems), Genji Monogatari (the Tale of Genji), and Makura no Soshi (the Pillow Book of essays); the Meiji Restoration that broke down the feudal system; Nobel Prize laureates who contributed to development of natural science; and young people who have brilliantly performed in professional baseball, tennis, soccer, and other international fields and, above all, the democracy upheld continuously since the end of the wartime.

Question 7: That having been said, what should be done to the status quo between Japan and South Korea?  I dare not say to the South Koreans, “Let us mutually make concessions and cooperate with each other.”  By looking them in the eye, I will say, “Let’s continue to talk with each other by demonstrating our ethnic pride.” It goes without saying that we should stand on the same footing, focusing not on fabrications but on facts.

【参考資料】慰安婦関連チャート(生活様式の差)

慰安婦(公娼)、私娼、性奴隷、それぞれの生活様式と違いを分かりやすくした表をご紹介します。

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※ PDF版はこちら

慰安婦関連チャート(生活様式の差)

 

慰安婦(公娼)

私娼

性奴隷

雇用者

〇略取誘拐

年齢制限

16・17歳以上

前借金

〇又は✕

〇又は✕

無関係

契約書/承諾書/同意書

〇/〇/〇

✕/✕/✕

✕/✕/✕

身分証明書

稼高取り分

40%~60%

100%

貯金(奨励/強制)

〇(〇/〇)

随意

✕(✕/✕)

賞与

〇10%もあり

定期検診

〇週一

随意

随意

居住制限

随意

外出

〇買い物・映画・ピクニック

随意

休日

〇週一の検診日又は月一

随意

年季

2年又は3年、更新あり

人権侵害

狭義✕・広義〇

無関係

狭義〇・広義〇

作成 2019年5月
作成者 長尾秀美 (元在日米海軍司令部渉外報道専門官・小説家)
「慰安婦(公娼)問題関連用語―解説」(出版社:BookWay 2019/5/12)の著者

【新刊紹介】「慰安婦(公娼)問題関連用語―解説」 長尾 秀美 著

長尾秀美(元在日米海軍司令部渉外報道専門官・小説家)氏の新刊「慰安婦(公娼)問題関連用語―解説」をご紹介します。
長尾氏は現在英訳作業中とのことです。

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慰安婦(公娼)問題関連用語―解説
長尾 秀美 (著)

nagao book

【購入方法】
アマゾン  単行本 2700円

ブックウェイ 単行本 2700円 電子書籍 540円

【書籍情報】
単行本: 212ページ
出版社: BookWay (2019/5/12)
言語: 日本語
ISBN-10: 4865844007
ISBN-13: 978-4865844009
発売日: 2019/5/12

【立ち読み版】
最初の30ページ、産経新聞外信部長兼論説委員 渡辺浩生氏からの「出版に寄せて」を含め、前書きの全文を立ち読みすることができます。
https://bookway.jp/modules/zox/sample/his_ian2_q_word/

【内容紹介】
慰安婦問題。これは現在に至るまで30年ほど日本と韓国との間に大きなくさびを打ち込んでいる。しかも先行きは不透明だ。しかし、この問題を次世代へ残すことは両国民にとって賢明なことではない。日本語の起源はと問うと、琉球語との関連性はさて置き、朝鮮語に繋がっているという説もある。これは文法構造に類似性が高いからだと言われている[出典:日本語の起源 – Wikipedia 2019年3月12日閲覧]。
いずれにしても日本と朝鮮半島は有史以来さまざまな文化を共有し、お互いに発展してきた。両国が挟む対馬海峡で何度か大きな波風が立ったことは歴史上の事実だ。一方、これからの世界情勢を展望する時、日韓両国民は、双方から過去の溝を乗り越えなければならない。なぜなら、西側世界と東側世界が対立した冷戦構造崩壊後、誰もが望んだ「平和の配当」が瞬く間に消え失せたからだ。言語の一部を共有する日韓が東アジアで手を携えれば、世界にとって範ともなる。
この『慰安婦(公娼)問題関連用語――解説』は、双方が事実関係を確認し、議論を終結させるためのものだ。誤謬を正し、過ちは過ちとして認めるためのものだ。日韓両国民は、過激な言葉に踊らされることなく、一歩ずつ前に進まなければならない。

【著者について】
1952年、島根県浜田市に生まれる
1973年、山口大学文理学部数学科中退
2012年、米海兵隊岩国航空基地司令部、在日米海軍司令部などに勤め、定年退職
現在、神奈川県横浜市在住
趣味:酒、煙草、料理、月一の川崎競馬

●ノンフィクション作家として
『日本要塞化のシナリオ』2004年、酣燈社
『日米永久同盟』2005年、光文社

●小説家 鯖江友朗として
短編集『これってあり?』2012年、風詠社
短編集『これでいいの?』2013年、ブックウェイ
短編集『これでもいいのかな?』2014年、ブックウェイ
中編小説『海軍と父と母…絆としがらみ』2015年、ブックウェイ(*衆議院公邸長だった増岡一郎氏本人と父親の生涯を小説化した)
中編小説『これってオヤジのたわごと?』2016年、ブックウェイ
短編集『これって終活?』2017年、ブックウェイ
中編小説『漣の行方』2017年、ブックウェイ(*実際の殺人事件と護衛艦あたごと清徳丸の衝突事故を題材とした)
短編小説集『これってオンナのたわごと?』2019年、ブックウェイ

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著者 長尾 秀美 氏から届いた正誤表 (2019年5月12日)

< 正誤表 >

1.p. 8、p. 10、p. 66
誤: ファイヤー博士
正: ファイヤーストーン博士(Lisa Firestone)

2.p. 52
誤: インドネシア 16軒 160人
正: インドネシア 39軒 383人

誤:   フィリピン   34軒 335人
正: フィリピン 11軒 112人

レーダー照射事件について 長尾秀美 氏(元在日米海軍司令部渉外報道専門官)解説

長尾秀美(元在日米海軍司令部渉外報道専門官・小説家)氏から 「レーダー照射事件について」 解説をいただきましたのでご紹介します。

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韓国海軍駆逐艦クァンゲト・デワン(広開土大王)が海上自衛隊のP-1哨戒機にレーダーを2度も照射しました。この事件については、今日まで、韓国側が次第に且つ異様に日本への非難を強めています。

 なでしこアクション関係者には耳慣れない言葉が飛び交っていると思いますので、少し説明させてください。自衛隊に限らず、どの国の軍隊(特に空軍)でもレーダー照射は大事件になります。その要点は、航空機が相手(軍用機、軍艦、地上の軍事レーダー施設など)からレーダー照射を受けたら、その航空機(今回はP-1)は戦闘状態に入っていると判断し、退避行動を取ります。逆に相手を攻撃することもあります。

 今回の防衛省の反応について、下記の説明が一番分かりやすいと思います。少し長いですが、皆さんに読んでいただければ幸いです。

 尚、韓国海軍駆逐艦は勿論、P-1哨戒機も武器だということ、駆逐艦も哨戒機も救難活動に携わりますが、その本来の役割は防衛のためで、常に警戒活動や訓練活動をしていることを理解してください。

2019年1月3日
長尾秀美

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12月28日、防衛省は20日に日本海で発生した海上自衛隊P-1哨戒機への韓国海軍駆逐艦クァンゲト・デワンからの火器管制レーダー照射事件の動画を公開しました。

 驚いたのは韓国海軍の駆逐艦「クァンゲト・デワン(広開土大王)」とすぐ傍に居た韓国海洋警察の警備救難艦「サンボンギョ(参峰号)」は、彼らが捜索していた目的の北朝鮮の漂流漁船らしきものを既に発見しており搭載艇を出して回収中だと思われることです。

 これで「波が高かったので漂流漁船を捜索する為に水上捜索レーダーだけでなく対空用のMW-08三次元レーダーを対水上モードで使用した」という韓国側の説明はおかしなことになります。目の前に視認できる距離で探していた漂流漁船を発見済みであるなら、通常の航海では使う必要が無いMW-08を船の捜索目的で稼働させる理由がありません。また現場の海はとても穏やかで波の高さは1m程度、冬の日本海とは思えないほど波が小さく静かな海況です。韓国側の波が高かったという説明は首を傾げざるを得ません。

 自衛隊は韓国駆逐艦からFCレーダー(火器管制レーダー)の照射を受けたことを明確にしています。韓国駆逐艦クァンゲト・デワン搭載のSTIR-180火器管制レーダーのことです。基本的にこれはMW-08三次元レーダーで捉えた空中目標に対してSTIR-180を照射して艦対空ミサイルを誘導するという使い方をします。そしてSTIR-180は稼働中も常時回転はせず、MW-08は稼働中は常時回転するという明確な違いがあります。MW-08は回転しながら360度全周にレーダー波を出しているので電波の当たり方がレーダーアンテナ回転数の周期的なものになります。対してSTIR-180は常時回転をせずアンテナを目標に向けたらレーダー波は当たりっ放しになります。このように電波照射の特性が全く違うので、誤認することは考えられません。そもそもMW-08はCバンド、STIR-180はXバンドで周波数も違うのです。自衛隊は韓国駆逐艦がMW-08三次元レーダーを対空目標の捕捉追尾用として稼働させSTIR-180火器管制レーダーを哨戒機に向けて使用したと判断しています。

 またP-1哨戒機からの無線での呼びかけを無視した点について韓国側は「電波が弱く受信できなかった、海洋警察を呼び出していると思った」と説明していますが、海上自衛隊のP-1哨戒機は明確に韓国海軍駆逐艦クァンゲト・デワンの艦首に描かれた艦番号971を名指しして呼び続けています。目と鼻の先の距離で天候も穏やかな状況で電波が受信できなかったというのは無理があります。国際VHF(156.8MHz)と緊急周波数(121.5MHzおよび243MHz)の3つのチャンネルから呼びかけを聞いていながら意図的に無視したと受け取るよりほかありません。漂流漁船を捜索していた艦艇が緊急周波数の呼びかけに気付かなかった、北朝鮮海軍とのホットラインにも使っている国際VHF(韓国では国際商船共通網と呼称)に気付かなかった、そのような説明を信じることは出来ません。もし聞き取り難かったのであれば再送するように問い掛けるべきで、通信を試みようとしていないのは不可解です。

 韓国側の説明は、気象条件、漂流漁船の位置、レーダーの使用理由、無線の応答、いずれも虚偽であったと判断するしかない状況です。日本側のP-1哨戒機の飛行状況については、相手の艦艇の真上を低空で飛ぶような危険行為は一切していないことがはっきりしました。

 イギリスのロンドン大学キングス・カレッジ戦争研究学部講師アレッシオ・パタラーノ博士はTwitterで、自身がP-3C哨戒機に搭乗して低高度を飛行した経験および逆にP-3C哨戒機からの観測を受けた経験を踏まえた上で、「今回のP-1哨戒機の飛行は全く脅威的なものではなかった」とコメントしています。

 またパタラーノ博士は「P-1哨戒機の観測対象との距離の取り方は全く通常のものである」、そして「最も大きな問題は韓国艦が火器管制レーダー照射の意図について尋ねられても返事をしなかったこと」であり、このようなことは普通ではないとしています。

以上

<参考>
防衛省が韓国駆逐艦レーダー照射事件の動画を公開
2018/12/27 ·JSF | 軍事ブロガー 2018/12/28(金) 18:30
[出典:https://news.yahoo.co.jp/byline/obiekt/20181228-00109402]