724 thoughts on “ホワイトハウス請願署名 米国下院慰安婦決議撤廃”

1. 名無し says:

   comment_ID: 588 July 27, 2013 at 6:00 pm

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   併合当時に朝鮮半島の議員やってたほとんどは
   朝鮮人だったし、警察官も朝鮮人が職務についていた
   事もきちんと提示したほうが良いと考えます。

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2. 磯部 says:

   comment_ID: 590 July 27, 2013 at 8:45 pm

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   もう既に書いて居る人もいますがテキサス親父の調べてくれた1,944年の米軍の調査書に関する動画を各州に拡散すべきだと思います。いまも更なる慰安婦像建立の議会が開かれていると２ちゃんねるで知りました。やっと外務省が抗議をした、との事ですが内容はとても抗議などと言えるものではなく、ただ日本の立場を述べただけである。

   本来ならば建立した各市に対して裁判を起こしてもいいくらいである。何もしない日本政府の態度は事実上容認と受け取られてしまいます。
   既に米国裁判所は捏造である、と判断したこの件でこれ以上、対日感情を煽られるのは安全保障上でも問題である。

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3. 通りすがりの一般日本国民 says:

   comment_ID: 597 July 28, 2013 at 11:09 am

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   署名いたしました。

   最近になって、数々の忌々しい反日活動に対して抗議をされている方々がいることを知りました。自分はまだ独身ですが、兄弟や親戚の子供たちの事を考えると、無知は罪であることを強く思うようになりました。

   今後のご活動も微力ながら応援しております。

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4. てら says:

   comment_ID: 598 July 28, 2013 at 12:24 pm

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   私も参加したかったんですけど、メールが送られてきませんんでした。英語が全然できない無学なので、よく分からず・・・。署名された方々、ありがとうございました。ほかの方にもこの署名のことを教えます。

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5. 橘吾朗 says:

   comment_ID: 602 July 29, 2013 at 2:41 am

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   ネット上で慰安婦騒動に対する記述をいろいろ検索してきたのですが、誰が書いたかわからない下記の文章は非常に明快達観していて奥が深いです。もし教科書に書くなら、（本来書く必要はないが）このような記載にすべきと思いました。英訳してもよい文章です。

   ＝＝＝＝

   古来戦場では、罪のない女・子供が血気に逸った一部の兵士に襲撃・殺害されてきたが、各国の軍隊ではこれを防ぐために、公娼や募集によって軍隊が駐屯する所に、慰安所を設け、強姦や虐殺の被害が最小限になるように心を配った。第二次世界大戦中には、わが国も同様の慰安所を設けたし、ベトナム戦争中には韓国も同様の施設を設けたことが明らかになっている。日本軍は、「悪質な業者によってだまされてつれてこられた女性もいたことを懸念し、文書でそのような行為を行わないように指導しほか、慰安所の衛生にも気を配った。
   オランダ人女性が、不当に働かされたスマラン事件の例などもあるが、そういう場合は日本軍は慰安所を直ちに閉鎖し、不当行為の蔓延をふせぐのに努力した。
   しかしながら、女性への暴力を防ぐためにこれらの努力が重ねられながらも、一般兵士による女性への暴行が行われたことは確認されている。日本政府は、そういった不幸な経験をした女性に対して、人道的配慮から、「アジア女性基金」を二国間条約とは別に設けている。

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6. 磯部 says:

   comment_ID: 575 July 29, 2013 at 5:10 am

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   http://cooljapon.seesaa.net/article/367584369.html　こういったわかりやすい動画を提示するのも策だと思います。アメリカ人はこういってはあれですが馬鹿が多い。そもそも興味がないから適当な知識で議決をするわけです。韓国は金での買収や地方の組織票を武器に像の設置を進めています。興味がないから勉強もしない、ただ有利に動いてくれる在米韓国人の支持が欲しいだけです。だがこの動画やテキサス親父の動画は頭が弱いアメリカ人にも理解できると思います。
   コピペで抗議文を送っても全員が同じ文面だ、と逆に日本人による工作だと思われてしまいます。なので言葉よりもこういった写真を提示した動画の方が難波いも効果あると思います。

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7. セリーヌ says:

   comment_ID: 617 July 30, 2013 at 9:04 pm

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   このWebサイトの英語版は作らないのですか？

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8. May says:

   comment_ID: 618 July 31, 2013 at 8:14 am

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   歴史認識を訴える韓国の歴史教科書をアメリカで見せるのはどうでしょう?

   そして彼らがどれだけ湾曲した自作の歴史を世界中に広めようとしてるか認識させるべき。

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9. 高橋和美 says:

   comment_ID: 622 August 1, 2013 at 11:11 am

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   Dear Mayor Elizabeth Swift,
   I am writing this letter on behalf of all who are concerned about the spread of the Korean myth of sex slavery by the Japanese military that condemns Japan without evidence. The myth has been expressed in various forms of Korean art works, such as painting, photography, and sculpture, for one purpose: to bring shame on the Japanese race.
   I believe that you are receiving a number of identical or near identical emails and letters protesting against the proposal that was submitted to your council for installing a monument of Korean comfort women. I do not intend to repeat the same words you have seen in those emails and letters. Instead, I’d like to share with you the information about the Korean comfort women in hopes that it will help you and your council members come to a fair and wise decision.
   The word “comfort women” is a literal English translation of the Japanese word ianfu , which is a euphemism for “wartime prostitutes” or “professional camp followers.” It is known that the Japanese military utilized the sexual services of ianfu and that at least a half of those women were Japanese while the rest were Taiwanese and Koreans, who were Japanese citizens until 1945. It is also known that, since the beginning of the organized armies, armies have had professional camp followers and used their services to release the soldiers’ sexual tensions and prevent the soldiers from raping local women. Both the U.S. and Korean military too had comfort stations during the Korean War and the Vietnam War. Thus, the point of discussion regarding the issue of Korean comfort woman is not Japanese military’s having utilized their sexual services but whether or not the Japanese government and/or military was involved in sex trafficking and/or forced mobilization of Korean women for sex.
   According to Prof. Byeong-jik Ahn of Seoul National University who led the research on the Korean comfort women and supervised the (1993) publication of surviving comfort women’s testimonies, there is no objective evidence that proves that the Japanese government/military was forcibly mobilizing comfort women. Many researchers concur with the professor. The Japanese military allowed brothel owners–Japanese, Korean and Taiwanese–to follow the Japanese military and provide sexual services; the brothel owners followed the military to make profit; and many impoverished families sold their daughters to prostitution houses to survive. There was no need for the Japanese military to hunt for young women because there were already business establishments that legally provided sexual services. The circumstances which women from poor families faced 70 years ago might be viewed as human right violation in today’s standards, but we should be reminded that prostitution used to be a legal occupation in many parts of the world, that it remained legal in South Korea until 2004, and that even the Civil Rights Act in the U.S. was signed only about 50 years ago. We have come a long way in terms of human right issues in the past 70 years, and therefore, the issue of the Korean comfort women should be understood in its historical context.
   The comfort woman first became a controversial issue in Korea in 1989, when author Seiji Yoshida’s (1983) fictional narrative Watashi no Senso Hanzai “My War Crime” was translated into Korean; and since then, extensive research has done to shed light on a number of facts relating to the Korean comfort women. The following eight questions remain unanswered by the Korean activists who have been promulgating the myth of sex slaves by the horrendous Japanese military:
   (1) Many years after the publication of Testimonies I, Prof. Byeong-jik Ahn appeared on Korea’s national TV MBC in December of 2006 and stated that there was no objective evidence for forced mobilization of comfort women by the Japanese government/military. Koreans are still making the comfort women an issue in the U.S. and spreading the narrative based on a fictional story. The issue, contentious as it is, is an issue between Korea and Japan. Why are the Korean activists trying to erect monuments and statues in many U.S. cities?
   (2) Why has not even one Korean person come out and claimed witnessing a girl being abducted, mobilized, or recruited by the Japanese military? The surviving comfort women’s testimonies are groundless accusations unless there is collaborating evidence, such as a police report by the relatives, to support them, but no such report was ever submitted.
   (3) Why did the surviving comfort women’s testimonial narratives change over time? As Chunghee Sarah Soh, a San Francisco State University professor, states in her (2009) book entitled The Comfort Women, “their original published testimonial narratives told very different stories from the current, paradigmatically established image of all former comfort women having been drafted by the Japanese military”(p,101) and “the survivors presented dramatically untruthful versions of their recruitment when they were placed under a spotlight of the political stages of the United States and Japan” (p. 102). Surviving comfort women’s testimonial falsification is also pointed out by Prof. Byeong-jik Ahn.
   (4) There were ethnic Korean Congressmen in Japan’s central government and ethnic Korean generals in the Japanese military when Japan and Korea were a unified country (1910-1945). Park Chun-gum (朴春琴/박춘금) was a twice elected Congressman residing in Tokyo. Shigenori Togo (東郷茂徳) was born Park Moo-duk (朴茂徳 / 박무덕), adopted a Japanese name at 5, and served the government as Foreign Minister of Japan (1941-1945). Lieutenant General Hong Sa-ik (洪思翊/홍사익) commanded many Japanese officers and soldiers under him, and he was prosecuted as a B-Class war criminal by the Allies in 1946. Both the government and the military had ethnic Korean personnel. How could the Japanese government/military use a cruel method of recruitment of comfort women only in the Korean peninsula?
   (5) Why didn’t politicians, policemen, families and friends in Korea try to stop the alleged rampant abductions by the Japanese military? The population in the Korean peninsula was about 25 million in 1944; and the myth goes 200,000 were abducted as comfort women. Since roughly 12.5 million accounted for the Korean female population, Korean women were abducted roughly at the rate of one in every 60, according to the myth. About 80% of the councilmen in Korea, elected through elections, as well as 80% of the policemen in Korea were ethnic Koreans; but for some reason, they did nothing to stop their fellow Korean women from being abducted, and not a single riot occurred at the time of those abductions.
   (6) Why did as many as 802,147 ethnic Korean men submit applications to enlist in the Japanese military during the six-year period from 1938 to 1943? Only 17,364 were accepted and got enlisted: a fierce competition. If the Japanese military was indeed mobilizing their 200,000 sisters and making them sex slaves, what motivated the Korean men to apply to the organization that violated their sisters?
   (7) Doesn’t the number 200,000 come from a terminological confusion between comfort women and jeongshindae which is the Korean pronunciation of the Japanese word teishintai that referred to “wartime mobilization of female students for labor services”? The National Service Draft Ordinance was promulgated in 1939 as part of Japan’s war efforts, and the law empowered the Japanese government to draft civilian workers to ensure an adequate supply of labor in strategic war industries. Healthy young females between the ages of 14 and 25 joined “volunteer labor corps” or teishintai to work in factories while healthy young males were drafted as soldiers. Appropriate salaries were paid for their dutiful labor services. If jeongshindae was just another name for comfort women in Korea, what were the Korean female students mobilized for labor services called?
   (8) Why do the Korean activists try to ignore the treaty signed by Korea and Japan? The Basic Relations Treaty of 1965 finalized any claim, whether it be from the Korean government or from individual Korean citizens, arising out of Japan’s being in Korea for 35 years. The settlement agreement stipulated that Japan give up the right to all the properties and infrastructure built in the Korean peninsula and give 800 million dollars in grants and soft interest loans to the Korean government. Japan did. The Korean government’s receipt of 800 million dollars was kept secret for forty years in Korea until 2005, but the fact has been known there for the last 8 years. Multiple apologies were made by various Japanese government officials after the signing of the Treaty, and Koreans still demand apologies from Japan.
   These questions have not been and will never be answered adequately by the Korean activists who try to propagate the myth of sex slaves by the horrendous Japanese military, for the myth is filled with inconsistencies, contradictions and ambiguity galore.
   The proponents of the theory of sex slavery by the Japanese military often claim that the Kono Statement is the evidence for the Japanese military’s forcible mobilization of Korean women for sexual services, but the Statement never acknowledges that the Japanese military systematically coerced women into prostitution. The Statement was issued in 1993, when extensive research on the comfort women had not been conducted. Almost 50 years having passed since the end of WWII, the comfort women was a new enigma in 1993. The Basic Relations Treaty of 1965 also finalized any claim from Korea. So, the Statement, as well as a number of apologies before and after the Statement, was made for the purpose of easing the pain of the surviving Korean comfort women. Because of the Japanese government’s lack of clear grasp of the comfort women then, the Statement is apologetic, but its wording is ambiguous. It acknowledges (1) that wartime comfort stations were operated in response to the request of the military authorities of the time, (2) that the then Japanese military was, directly or indirectly, involved in the establishment and management of the comfort stations and the transport of comfort women to volatile war zones, and (3) that in many cases comfort women were recruited against their own will, through coaxing and coercion. The Statement intentionally leaves the agents or causes of coercion undefined because the circumstances for each woman were obviously diverse.
   Now, we know that some Korean women were sold to brokers by their families; others were recruited by procurers with false promises of employment. Still others had multiple causes. In these cases, from the women’s point of view, their recruitment was coerced against their will. We also know that the majority of them volunteered to work as comfort women in order to pay down their families’ debts.
   The Statement also makes an implicit reference to a well-known human right violation incident in which 11 Japanese soldiers and officers, defying the order from above, forced 35 Dutch women into sex slavery in Samarang, Indonesia, for two months in 1944. As soon as Lieutenant Colonel Kaoru Odajima flew into Indonesia from Japan and found about the case, he ordered to shut down the stations, and those involved in the incident were prosecuted after the war. The 35 victims were not comfort women but victims of sex slavery. The Samarang Incident, however, was already concluded with the prosecution of the involved, and the case has nothing to do with Korean comfort women.
   Although the Statement has an inherent problem of linguistic ambiguities, it never acknowledges that the Japanese military systematically coerced women into prostitution, for there was no such evidence. The Statement’s linguistic ambiguities, however, along with the Japanese politicians’ apologies made before and after the Statement, were not only misinterpreted by many but also abused by some, who attributed the responsibility of “coerced” prostitution solely to Imperial Japan and promulgated the myth of sex slaves abducted by the horrendous Japanese military. The myth has further evolved itself recently, and now it goes “Approximately three-quarters of comfort women have died as a direct result of the brutality inflicted on them during their internment. “ This is a very serious allegation against the Japanese race.
   In Korea’s Place in the Sun (2005), Prof. Bruce Cumings, a specialist in modern Korean history and contemporary international relations in East Asia at the University of Chicago, states that many women were mobilized (as prostitutes) by Korean men. There are also many documents that show that the Japanese authority was trying to control illegal human trafficking in the Korean peninsula.
   Attachments 1 and 2 show that, far from being slaves, comfort women were well paid. Attachment 3, Army Memorandum No. 2197, explicitly prohibiting abducting or recruiting by using the army’s name, shows that the Japanese authority kept a watchful eye on illegal human trafficking in the Korean Peninsula. Attachment 4, a newspaper article, shows that the police in the Peninsula arrested Korean brokers who had cajoled women into prostitution by promising them extraordinarily high payments. Abundant evidence shows that Korean women were swindled, kidnapped, or sold by Korean brokers, not by the Japanese army. Abuse of women, rampant prior to 1910 annexation of Korea to Japan, unfortunately could not be eradicated from the Peninsula during the Japanese rule and is still continuing in Korea today. The last attachment, titled Japanese Prisoner of War Interrogation Report No. 49, is a U.S. Office of War Information report published in 1944; and it describes the living conditions of 20 Korean comfort women captured in Burma, present-day Myanmar.
   I, as well as many Japanese and Japanese-American residents of California and Japanese tourists visiting Buena Park, would be deeply disappointed if Buena Park decides to build a memorial of comfort women by blindly believing the Korean activists’ theories without scrutiny. As a mother of two American citizens of Japanese descent, I am also concerned that my daughters would be unfairly and wrongfully disadvantaged by this kind of condemnation on their mother’s native land. I hope fairness and justice of yours prevail on the city’s decision as to whether a memorial of Korean comfort women should be erected in Buena Park. Thank you very much for taking your valuable time to read this long letter.
   Sincerely,

   Kazumi Takahashi Chino Hills, CA

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10. 外山昭平 says:

    comment_ID: 623 August 1, 2013 at 1:34 pm

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    490高橋和美様
    米国在住の２児の母として格調高く、感動的かつ説得力ある素晴らしいletterを市長あてに発信されました。当然、他の議員や地元media宛てにもCCされたかと思います。日本の一部極右の意見などという誤解を解くためAll Japan、いや、良識ある米国人（テキサス親父など）からのメッセージも必要です。

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