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OUTCRY OF LEE YONG-SOO, FORMER COMFORT WOMEN

日本語/Japanese

June 15, 2020

Hidemi Nagao ( Former Civil and Media Liaison Officer of the Commander U.S. Naval Forces, Japan, Novelist and Non-fiction Writer )

OUTCRY OF LEE YONG-SOO,  FORMER COMFORT WOMEN

1.Surprise

Lee Yong-soo, a self-proclaimed comfort woman, held a press conference in Tague, South Korea, on May 7.  She accused Seigiren by questioning its money management practices.  She added that she would not join the Wednesday demonstrations any longer.

Seigiren (the Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan) gets not only private funding from individual and corporate donors but also government subsidies.  What is surprising is it obtained 1.343 billion won (approximately 116.7 million yen) from the South Korean government from 2016 to 2019.[1]  Another surprise is that Kim Eun-Sung, the sculptor who made the 1.3-meter-tall girl statue in front of the Japanese Embassy in Seoul, made more than 100 replicas and cashed in at least 3.1 billion won (approximately 277 million yen) so far.  Kim is believed to have sold close to ten thousand smaller statues (10 to 50 centimeters tall). [2]  The replicas, large or small, are copyrighted.  He is one of the directors of Seigiren.

While the prosecutors are investigating Seigiren’s accounting irregularities, the intellectuals and media columnists are struggling to find out what the nation and the public can do or should do for the comfort women issue.

Lee’s accusations have not only uncovered personal greed of certain human rights advocates but also brought about an unprecedented change in public perceptions of the issue.

2. Why?

Why did Lee publicly criticize Seigiran at all?  I got intrigued to figure out what prompted her to do it.  Putting myself in her shoes, I try to make a guess below.

(1) Lee has not been happy with results of her commitments for the past 30 years.

(2) Though she has been one of the key players, she is getting afraid of being pulled out of center stage as things are going on now.

(3) She has not been duly paid for her commitments in places both domestic and foreign.

(4) Her act to give a hug at President Trump at a presidential banquet has not been properly recognized.

(5) The public is no longer paying any attention to her bold statement that “Yong-soo is the Dokdo and the Dokdo is Yong-soo.”

(6) Because she recently finds it hard to tell which is true, her personal experience of decades ago or what she has been narrating about it, she intended to divert the public attention to something else.

(7) She has, at long last, begun to have qualms of conscience about having practiced hypocrisy.  Or,

(8) She has lately been suffering from isolation.

3. Criticisms against Seigiren and its former leader Yoon Meehyang

Most of Lee’s criticisms are related to money as shown below.

Lee sobbingly said, “The fact that the Korean Council (Seigiren) has been making business of the former comfort women for the past 30 years came to light at last.  I will swear to construct a comfort women history museum.” [3]

Lee appealed, “The Wednesday demonstrations should be terminated.”[4]

Lee complained, “The bear trainer taught bears to do tricks and the trainer swindled all the money for the past 30 years.”[5]

Lee fumingly said, “Yoon Meehyang became a congressperson for her personal greed.  It is unforgivable.”[6]

Lee once asked Yoon to buy some food because she was hungry.  Yoon refused to do so by saying, “I don’t have money.”[7]

4. Proposal of exchanges of South Korean and Japanese students

Lee understands what righteous history is.  She is well aware, at the same time, the authenticity of the hateful Seigiren as well as all self-proclaimed comfort women would be denied if there comes a day when both South Korea and Japan can share common historical perceptions.

Lee preached, “Japan must apologize and pay reparations to the comfort women for the next one thousand years, even ten thousand years.  It is necessary, as a prerequisite, for the students both in South Korea and Japan to learn history from a proper perspective.  Both nations must become friendly to put the process on the right track.”[8]

5. Dilemma of the self-proclaimed former comfort woman

5.1.    Promotion of human rights activities

The comfort women issue made a big wave in South Korea in early 1990s when Seigiren was established.  Seigiren launched a policy to restore honor and respect and to secure stability and freedom of the victims of the licensed prostitution system and began a variety of protest activities against Japan.

Lee came forward as a former comfort woman in June 1992.  She became one of the victims of the system and took part in Seigiren activities.

Seigiren’s purpose was to denounce Japan by appeal violations of the women’s rights to the world.  It required funds to promote and continue its campaigns.  Its leaders decided to collect donations from the public.  As donations came in from students and people and from businesses, so Seigiren expanded its campaigns overseas and to the United Nations.  Once it succeeded in obtaining subsidies from the government, Seigiren became a government-endorsed entity.

Funds would never be sufficient.  So, Seigiren committed itself to raise money by selling girl statues and other comfort women related goods.

It was only recently when Lee got concerned about three things.  One is a long-standing criticism against her personality, the image of which Seigiren created.  The second is a question of who should be at center stage as far as the comfort women issue is concerned.  The third one is Yoon is no longer a civic leader but a congressperson.

Lee’s outcry derives from the three things above.

5.2.    Misgivings about stereotypical views

Lee reflected on her life for the past 30 years.  Some recollections were embarrassing but others were elating and pleasant.  She always narrated her sufferings at seminars and media availabilities, meeting with a variety of people.  She took a witness stand at the U.S. Congress and at a Harvard University hall in 2007.  She cried loudly at Palisades Park in New Jersey in 2011 when a comfort women cenotaph was unveiled, an inscription of which stated that the Japanese military abducted 200,000 women to warfront.

The knowledge of those people Lee met at various places is limited to the two years since 1944 when she was in China and Taiwan.  The timeframe—too short for anyone’s adolescent years—was, at best, a fragmentary phase of her long life.  And they regard her only as an accuser.

One goes through a life being a child, an adolescent, and an adult before becoming an aged.  Lee did so, too.  Being born and raised in Taegu, she had painful days because she had to work for four younger brothers.[9] She still remembers voices of her father, mother, and an aunt.  When she was 14, 15, or 16, a Japanese who put on a military cap gave her a dress and a pair of shoes and took her away though her memories are not so clear today.

After the war ended, Lee returned from Taiwan to Taegu.  Working as a waitress at taverns and grab-joints, she managed to live through such hard times as the Korean War.[10]  After her mother’s death, she worked as an insurance vender, too.[11]  She got married to an elderly man in 1989 but got divorced in two years as he was very suspicious and violent.[12]  In August

1991 when she was sick and tired of the personal trouble, Kim Hak-sun came to the fore as a former comfort woman.  Quite a few women followed her suit in response to Seigiren’s encouragement.  Lee decided to join them.  She viewed it as a godsend.

Those recollections did not help her overcome the three embarrassing questions.  Things are moving; Yoon would soon become a congress person.

Lee remains as a woman putting on a comfort woman mask, which is nothing but a symbol of depersonalization.

5.3.    Overcoming the depersonalization

One grows being told not to tell a lie.  Reality is the world is full of lies, which Lee also personally experienced.  Lee allows her to tell a lie for the purpose of convenience.  It is unforgivable, however, for others to tell her a lie.  Likewise, she does not mind using others for personal benefit, but she does not want to let others use her.

Lee gave a serious thought about the status quo for a while.  Her personality was a work-up of Seigiren and Yoon; an idolized creation for the two years since 1944.  It was a product intentionally defying her memory, reason, and conscience.

Lee made up her mind that she should create a new personality.  What should she do?

One way is to appeal to the public the Han of a thousand years against Japan more loudly than ever before.  She knows it has already become a

cliché.   A proposal of historical reviews by students of both South Korea

and Japan—which Lee talked about a few years back somewhere—is superficial at best.  For, she is aware of its limitations.

There must be other means.  Lee wants to be a central player on stage again and leave the stage as one.  …  It dawned on Lee.  Exposing hidden malpractices would do.  The world would pay attention to her once again, which ushers in her new image.  Even if her exposure tactics fails, Seigiren and Yoon would not survive unscathed.

Lee finally decided to cry out loud.  She or Seigiren or the government could care less about an academic criticism that Pavlovian anti-Japanese campaigns alone would not solve the issue.

6. What I wrote above is my guess of Lee’s flow of thoughts. It is quite unfortunate for no one to have mentioned her what Tomoko Yamazaki, a Japanese historian on women, wrote in her book about Osaki-san in 1972 and what Ham Seok-heon, an avid Quaker and a pro-democracy movement leader throughout his life (1901-1989), stated in his book in 1962.

6.1.    Yamazaki wrote the following about Osaki-san.[13]

“Osaki-san was sold as ‘Karayuki-san’ by her brother Funazo for 300 yen when she was ten years old.  She was taken to Sandakan in Borneo, Indonesia and she became a prostitute at the age of 13 (*Karayuki-san are Japanese prostitutes who did business in foreign countries).  After the war, she fled from Manchuria with her husband and a son and lived in Kyoto; upon her husband’s passing, she alone came back to Kyushu; and she peacefully died there years later.”

“Osaki-san, despite her having been exposed to the villagers’

prejudice in Kyushu, elevated her personality to a noble level, without becoming cynical or anti-social.  She had a big heart not only toward other people but also toward nine stray cats living around her house.  Osaki-san gave them food while having barely enough food for herself.  She said to me, ‘They also have a life to live through.’”

6.2.    Ham Seok-heon wrote as follows in his book.[14]

“A human being is born to resist.  Resistance proves the existence of the human being.”

“Life experience derives from a mental process of understanding, scrutinizing, and demonstrating one’s existence as a unique and valuable personality.”

7. Lee Yong-soo’s attempt seems to have achieved an objective. She would not feel lonely for a while.  But the authorities’ investigations to the allegations against Seigiren’s fund management are irrelevant to public appraisal of Lee’s personality.  People always face a harsh reality, but the reality also sees many people being saved by a person(s) of integrity.
Lee Yong-soo will earn her place in history though it has nothing to do with historical perceptions.

———————————————————–

Bibliography

[1] The Japanese language edition of the JoongAng Ilbo dispatch at 1017 on May 26, 2020

[2] The Japanese language edition of the Chosun Ilbo dispatch at 1140 on June 3, 2020

[3] The Japanese language edition of Wow!Korea dispatch at 1311 on June 6,2020

[4] Ditto

[5] The Japanese language edition of the Chosun Ilbo dispatch at 0540 on May 31, 2020

[6] The Japanese language edition of the Chosun Ilbo dispatch at 1040 on May 26, 2020

[7] The Japanese language edition of the Chosun Ilbo dispatch at 1010 on May 26, 2020

[8] The Yonhap News dispatch at 1647 of May 25, 2020

[9] The Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan and Teishintai Research Committee, Ed. (1993). Shogen–Kyosei Renko Sareta Chosenjin Ianfu Tachi [Testimonies – Korean Comfort Women Forcibly Recruited] (author translation). Tokyo. Akashi Shoten Publishing, pp. 131-132

[10] Ditto, p. 142

[11] Ditto, p. 143

[12] Lee Yong-soo and Michiko Takayanagi. (2009). Watashi wa Nihongun Ianfu Datta [I was a comfort woman for the Japanese military] (author translation). Tokyo. ShinNippon Shuppan Publishing, pp. 78-79

[13] Yamazaki, Tomoko. (1972). Sandakan Hachiban Shokan [Brothel Eight in Sandakan] (a/t). Tokyo. Chikuma-Shobo Publishing, p. 255

[14] Ham Seok-heon. (1980). Kunan no Kankoku Minshu-shi [History of hardships of the South Korean people] (a/t). (Kim Hak-hyon, Trans.) Tokyo. Shinkyosha Publishing, p. 399, p. 15

韓国慰安婦問題~正義連騒動の展開

長尾秀美氏(元在日米海軍司令部渉外報道専門官、小説家、ノンフィクション作家)より論考「正義連騒動の展開」をいただきましたので、ご紹介します。

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原文英語/English

令和2年(2020年)6月4日

長尾秀美(元在日米海軍司令部渉外報道専門官、小説家、ノンフィクション作家)

正義連騒動の展開

5月7日、自称元慰安婦の李容洙が韓国の大邱で正義連(旧挺対協)および尹美香前代表を公に非難した。以来、抗議の声が各方面から上がり、韓国内は蜂の巣をつついたようになっている。この正義連騒動の今後について、私見を述べたい。尚、個人の敬称は省略する。

1.騒動の限界

1.1. 慰安婦の定義に疑義があることはさて置き、韓国内や海外に建てられた慰安婦碑・像は、日本軍による戦地での慰安婦利用を象徴している。したがって、正義連が否定され、解散しても、韓国民にとって碑や像の存在意義は失われない。

1.2. 慰安婦支援団体については1990年に設立された挺対協が嚆矢となるが、韓国民にとってその存在意義は大きい。したがって、慰安婦に関する反日運動が終息することはない。

1.3. 正義連の活動費の大部分は一般からの寄付金によって賄われていたようだ。したがって、検察側は不正経理による横領や背任などについて正義連の捜査を進める。今後は尹美香や経理担当者および彼女の親族のみを矢面に立たせ、事態を収束させることが予想される。

1.4. 慰安婦を性奴隷(sexual slave)だと呼び始めたのは、戸塚悦朗だと言われている。彼は1992年に国連で使っている。正義連はその英語名称に慰安婦(Comfort Women)ではなく(Sexual Slavery)を使用している。どちらによる造語なのかは断定できないが、慰安婦を公娼(認定売春婦)ではなく性奴隷と同視する考え方は1990年代半ばには定着した。ところが李容洙元慰安婦は5月25日に開いた記者会見の場で、性奴隷という呼称のおぞましさを嘆いた。事情がやや変化した。韓国外交部(外務省)は英語のホームページでComfort WomenではなくSexual Slaveryを使用している。したがって、同国が国連の各委員会に対し、その呼称の訂正を求めるとは考えられない。被害者中心主義を唱えるとしても、性奴隷という呼称に勝る言葉がないからだ。

1.5. この騒動が終息しても、上記のとおり、慰安婦問題に関する環境が劇的に変化するとは考えられない。とは言え、1つ提案したいことがある。正義連は慰安婦問題を女性の人権侵害として捉え、日本を糾弾してきた。女性の人権尊重を掲げるなら、朝鮮戦争中の第5補給品や洋公主およびベトナム戦争中の韓国軍慰安所およびライダイハンの母をもその名称に含めるのが本筋だ。正義連解散後に有志が新しい団体を設立させるなら、次の名称を推奨したい。ただし、それには国民の勇気が必要となる。

女性問題解決のための日本軍、韓国軍、国連軍、ベトナム孤児正義記憶同盟

2. 公的慰安婦支援機関の設立

2.1. 正義連への信頼が地に落ちたことから、韓国政府はこれを好機とし、支援機関を新たに設立し、管理していくことが想定される。ここではその機関を仮に慰安婦支援庁とする。この支援庁は慰安婦の存在を外交問題として捉えれば外交部に、社会的保護の問題として捉えれば保健福祉部に、女性の権利促進の問題として捉えれば女性家族部に所属することになるだろう。

2.2. 支援庁は慰安婦が何を望んでいるのかを明確に把握しなければならない。 彼女たちが慰労金などの受け取りのみを望むなら、慰安婦およびその遺族への慰労金支給が終了した段階で支援庁の役目は終わる。

2.3. 一方、彼女たちが日本政府から明示的な国家責任認定を引き出すことを望むなら、2つの状況が想定される。

2.3.1. 日本政府は、加藤談話、河野談話、アジア女性基金、2015年の日韓合意を持ち出し、慰安婦問題を韓国内で処理するべきだと主張するだろう。日本政府は譲歩しないだろうから、日本政府が拠出した「和解・癒やし財団」への10億円は宙に浮く。慰安婦問題は事実上未解決となるだろう。

2.3.2. 彼女たちが妥協案を出すとすれば、その案は、慰労金を受け取った上で、韓国政府が日本政府への働き掛けを恒常的に続けるという誓約をすることになるだろう。

3. 韓国の日本に対する恨(ハン)

3.1. 現状を考慮した上で日本が蔑ろにしてはならないことが3つある。最初の2つは、千英宇(チョン・ヨンウ)韓半島未来フォーラム理事長・元外交安保首席(李明博政権で大統領外交安保首席秘書官)が述べた韓国人の日本に対する恨(注1)だ。彼は5月24日配信の朝鮮日報日本語版で以下の2点を強調している。

3.1.1. 方々に少女像を立て、慰安婦被害者らが全て亡くなった後も日本の蛮行を反すうすることは、歴史教育の観点からも必要だ。

3.1.2. 日本に対する復讐はいくらやっても足りないが、過去に限りなく埋没して韓国がこれ以上壊れる必要はない。反日も重要だが、韓国にはそれより大切な価値もある日本に対する道徳的優位を喪失したら、克日はさらに遠のくという国民の実態を忘れてはならない。

3.2.もう一つ蔑ろにできないのは李容洙が5月25日の記者会見で述べたことだ。5月26日配信の朝鮮日報日本語版によれば、彼女は、「(慰安婦)運動の方式を変えようというのであって、やめようというのではない」としつつ「日本は千年たとうと万年たとうと、慰安婦問題について謝罪すべき」と語った。続いて「結局は韓日両国の学生が歴史の主人であって、慰安婦問題を解決してくれる人々」だとし「両国の学生に正しく歴史教育をして、互いに交流するようにしなければならない」と語った。彼女の言葉は、千英宇氏が述べた恨と同根だ。

3.3. 日本人なら、李容洙と千英宇の言葉の背景に1910年の日韓併合があることは自明だ。ここで帝国主義時代の宗主国と植民地の例を持ち出しても、韓国民には通じない。アジアの歴史を振り返れば、イギリスとインド、フランスとインドシナ、オランダとインドネシア、アメリカとフィリピンの現状はどうなっているのか。そんなことは無関係なのだ。したがって、李王朝時代より韓半島で厳然たる権威の象徴だった両班の存在を持ち出し、日韓併合時に彼らが何をしたのか、何をしなかったのかを問いただしても意味がない。

4. 日本は何をどうするべきか

4.1. ジャーナリストでコリア・レポート編集長の辺真一氏は、5月27日、 「元慰安婦の「爆弾発言」は安倍政権にはプラス! その5つの理由」を列挙している。要点は以下の通りだ。

プラス1.「挺対協」の正当性を否定したこと。

プラス2.「挺対協」の「慰安婦証言集」を問題にしたこと。

プラス3.「水曜集会」を止めるように訴えたこと。

プラス4.「性奴隷」という表現を使わないよう求めたこと。

プラス5.国会議員になった尹美香前理事長の発言力が低下すること。

4.2. 繰り返すようだが、日本政府は慰安婦問題に関し、1992年と1993年に加藤談話と河野談話をそれぞれ発表し、1994年にアジア女性基金を設立し、1995年に村山談話を出し、2015年に日韓合意を成立させた。国連の各委員会が過去何をどう言い、将来何をどう言おうとも、これらは歴史的事実で、日本政府が真摯にこの問題に取り組んだ証拠だ。

4.3. 一方、韓国と国連の各委員会は、慰安婦問題を今日的な女性人権侵害として捉えるだけだ。したがって、彼らは1932年から1945年まで日本軍が利用した慰安婦制度を社会的にも法律的にも検証していない。日韓併合に至るまでの極東の地政学的分析もしていない。過去の経緯を精査しない議論は無責任としか言い得ない。各委員会の役目は、提出された意見に対する勧告を当事国に出すだけなので、各委員の見識を云々することは妥当ではない。彼らはたまたまその場にいて、文筆家として議論らしいことをすれば役目を果たすことができるからだ。当事者でない彼らにそれ以上のことは期待できない。

4.4.最後に李容洙が唱えた「韓日両国の学生に対する正しい歴史教育とお互いの交流」に触れる。同じ資料を韓日両国の学生に提示しても、慰安婦問題解決を望むことはできないだろう。なぜなら両論を並立させ、それぞれを検討し、合理的な判断を求めることができないからだ。ただし、こうした繋がりに1つだけ希望を見出すことは可能だ。それは最終的な判断をしないという前提でのみ可能となる。つまり、韓日の学生が両論併記を歴史的考察の結果として受け入れることだ。

4.5. 日本政府は事態の推移を見守るしかない。

注1:日本人が使う恨みは、他人に対する憤りや憎しみを表す感情だ。一方、恨は、朝鮮文化においての思考様式の一つで、感情的なしこりや、痛恨、悲哀を指す朝鮮語の概念とされているが、近代まで人口に膾炙(かいしゃ)されていなかった。ロビンソン大学のマイケル・シンによれば、恨はジェームズ・ゲイルが1897年に編纂した韓英辞書に掲載されていなかった言葉だ。彼は恨を否定的な感情という範疇に入れ、集団的同一性を喪失したことによる心理的抑圧から生じる複雑な感情が特徴だと定義している(Wikipedia -ja.wikipedia.org/wiki/恨、2020年5月30日閲覧)。特派員としての経験も長く、韓国語が堪能な報道関係者は、恨を人や組織に理想が裏切られたことから生まれる感情で、恨が消えることはないと言っている。

以上

DEVELOPMENT OF THE “SEIGIREN” CLATTER

日本語/Japanese

June 4, 2020

Hidemi Nagao ( Former Civil and Media Liaison Officer of the Commander U.S. Naval Forces, Japan, Novelist and Non-fiction Writer )

DEVELOPMENT OF THE “SEIGIREN” CLATTER

Lee Yong-soo, a self-proclaimed comfort woman, accused Seigiren and its leader Yoon Meehyang in Tague, South Korea, on May 7.  Since then, her accusation has been rocking the entire South Korean society.  I would like to personally offer an observation about the situation which I call a clatter involving Seigiren (the Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan).    Honorific titles are not used herein.

  1. Limits of the clatter

1.1.        I set aside the definition of the comfort women here.  The comfort women cenotaphs and statues being built in South Korea and foreign countries symbolize the use of comfort women by the Japanese military in warfront.  Their significance will not be called into question by the South Koreans even if Seigiren gets denied and disestablished.

1.2.        Seigiren, established in South Korea in 1990, became the first civic entity to support the self-proclaimed comfort women.  The South Koreans consider the existence of similar groups important.  Accordingly, anti-Japan campaigns will not come to an end as far as the comfort women issue is concerned.

1.3.        Most of the expenses for Seigiren campaigns is said to have been borne by donated funds from the public at large.  The prosecutors will investigate the case for misappropriation and breach of trust in bookkeeping. Investigations would probably be completed by making its leader Yoon Meehyang and her accountant and family members face the fire.

1.4.        It is said to be Etsuro Totsuka who first began to call comfort women sexual slaves.  He used the phrase at a United Nations committee in 1992.  Sexual slavery is used with specific reference to comfort women in Seigiren’s English name.  It is unknown who first used the phrase.  Its usage—to refer to licensed prostitutes—began to prevail by mid-1990s.  Things have made an abrupt turn backward on May 25 when Lee Yong-soo said at the media availability she had detested the naming as abominable.  The South Korean Foreign Ministry, in its English homepage, favors sexual slavery to refer to comfort women.  It is, therefore, inconceivable for Seoul to bother to retract the naming at the U.N. committees.  It is because there is no substitute phrase that can carry as much social impact as sexual slavery does even if the premise of the victim-centered approaches is being upheld.

1.5.        As mentioned above, the environment regarding the comfort women issue would not drastically change.  I would like to make a proposal here, despite such an observation.  Seigiren has been accusing Japan by making the comfort women issue a case of women’s rights violation.  If it seriously intends to advance the women’s rights, its name should reflect the existence of comfort women for the South Korean military and the U.N. command during the Korean War and the South Korean comfort stations and Lai Dai Han during the Vietnam War, too.  I would recommend the following name if volunteers are to establish a new coalition after the Seigiren clatter, which requires courage of the South Koreans.

The Korean Council for the Women (and Lai Dai Han Mothers) Abused by the Japanese Military, the South Korean Military, the U.N. Command

  1. Establishment of a public comfort women support organ

2.1.        Trying to turn the challenge into to opportunity, the South Korean government is believed to establish and manage a new support agency for the comfort women as public trust for Seigiren has reached its nadir.  The new organ would belong to either the ministry of foreign affairs, the ministry of health and welfare, or the ministry of gender equality and family, depending on what the Blue House prioritizes, i.e., diplomacy, social welfare, or promotion of women’s rights.

2.2.        This new organ must clearly understand what the comfort women want to accomplish.  If the women may merely ask for provision of consolation money, this organ would fulfill its role when it completes provision of the money to all comfort women and their bereaved families.

2.3.        If the women, on the other hand, calls on the government to negotiate with the Japanese government for the purpose of making the latter unequivocally acknowledge the national responsibility for having institutionalized the comfort women system in warfront.  Predicted at present are two situations below.

2.3.1.     The Japanese government would claim the issue to be settled domestically in South Korea by referencing the Kato statement, the Kono statement, the Asian Women’s Fund, and the recent bilateral agreement.  Because it is unrealistic for Japan to make concessions, the donation of one billion yen for the Foundation to Support Former Comfort Women would get out of hand now that the South Korean government already disestablished the foundation.  The comfort women issue would remain unresolved.

2.3.2.     The comfort women may propose a compromise.  They would accept the consolation money on condition that the South Korean government pledge to continue its efforts to call for Japan’s concession.

  1. South Korean “Han” against Japan

3.1.        The Japanese government should be aware of three things while observing events in South Korea.  All of them relate to “Han (see Note at the end)” the South Koreans have toward Japan as mentioned by Chun Yung-woo, former chief diplomatic adviser to President Lee Myung-bak.  He emphasized two points below in the Japanese language edition of the Chosun Ilbo of May 24.

“It is necessary for fellow citizens to continue to erect girl statues and reflect on the violence Japan inflicted upon us as a historical lesson, even after all comfort women pass away.

We would never be able to say enough is enough when it comes to revenge campaigns against Japan.  It is unwarranted, on the other hand, for our country to turn our attention solely to the past.  Our country has core values more important than the anti-Japan commitment.  We must remember that our goal of overtaking Japan shall slip away if we lose our moral superiority over Japan.”

3.2.        The Japanese government must also bear in mind the third point, which also relates to “Han” Chun narrated.  According to the Japanese language edition of the Chosun Ilbo of May 26, Yee Yong-soo said at the press conference of May 25 as follows.

“What I would like to say is not to quit the campaigns but to change the way they are carried out.  The pillar of our philosophy is Japan should continue to apologize for the comfort women issue for thousands of years to come.

Key players in our history are students of both South Korea and Japan who are to solve the comfort women issue.  We must strive to lead them to develop righteous historical perceptions and encourage them to mutually exchange.”

3.3.        A Japanese would clearly see in the background of the thoughts Yee and Chun mentioned is the annexation of the Korean Empire by Japan in 1910.  It is meaningless here to mention to the South Koreans the present relationships between the former colonial power and the former colonized territory in the days of imperialism; Britain and India, France and Indochina, the Netherlands and Indonesia, and the U.S. and the Philippines, for example.  When it comes to matters involving South Korea and Japan, they are irrelevant, period.  It is, therefore, meaningless what the yangban, the ruling class since the Yi Dynasty in the Korean Peninsula, did or did not do when their homeland was annexed to Japan.

  1. What Japan is supposed to do?

4.1.        Pyon Jinil, editor-in-chief of the Korea Report, contributed on May 27 an opinion piece titled “Five reasons why a bombshell statement by a former comfort woman is good news for the Abe administration.”  The gist is as follows.

Merit 1:  Seigiren’s legitimacy is denied.

Merit 2:  The published comfort women statements are questioned.

Merit 3:  The Wednesday demonstrations are not encouraged.

Merit 4:  The phrase of sexual slaves is detested.

Merit 5:  Congressperson Yoon Meehyang’s political voice will decline.

4.2.        I hate to reiterate this, but the Japanese government issued the Kato statement in 1992, the Kono statement in 1993, established the Asian Women’s Fund in 1994, issued the Murayama statement in 1995, and reached an agreement with South Korea in 2015, regarding the comfort women issue.  Whatever the U.N. committees presented as conclusive observations/recommendations in the past and whatever they will issue in future, what Japan did in earnest has been carved in stone.

4.3.        On the other hand, what South Korea and the U.N. committees have done so far is to merely link the comfort women issue with women’s rights violation in today’s ethical standards.  They have never attempted to scrutinize the comfort women system—which the Japanese military used from 1932 to 1945—from the sociological or legal viewpoints.  They have not paid any attention to the geopolitical situations of the Far East up until the Japan-Korea Annexation Treaty of 1910, either.  Any discussion without reviewing the how and why of the past events are irresponsible per se.  The mission of each U.N. committee is to issue a recommendation to the state party concerned in response to a presented claim.  It is, therefore, not appropriate to question the committee members’ wisdom.  They happen to be there for talking as writers till the day is done.  No one can expect more from them because they are no more than bystanders.

4.4.        Lastly, what Yee Yong-soo recommended must be reviewed.  She encouraged students of South Korea and Japan to be given righteous history education and to engage in cross-pollination of ideas.  Presenting historical materials to students of both countries would not usher in any solution to the comfort women issue.  For, it is not possible to ask them to reduce into writing contentious and divisive issues, to examine each, and to come up with a reasonable judgement.  It is, however, possible for such an interaction to become a means to inspire hope.  This hope will become realistic only on condition that no decisive conclusion is to be made by both students.  In other words, they are supposed to accept pros and cons of the issue as a result of historical consideration.

4.5.        The Japanese government has nothing to do but to wait and see till the clatter subsides.

Note:  Han in Japanese is an emotion of rage and hate against others.  Han is a concept of an emotion, variously described as some form of grief or resentment, among others, that has been said to be a characteristic of Korean culture.  Han is a modern phenomenon that did not exist in premodern Korea.  Han is not found in the first Korean–English dictionary, published by James S. Gale in 1897, according to Michael D. Shin of Robinson College.  Shin says almost any negative emotion can be called Han and argues that the central aspect of Han is loss of identity, in that the complex of emotions that result from the traumatic loss of collective identity, according to Wikipedia (browsed on May 30)  One seasoned journalist who is well-versed in Korean language and has years of professional experience in South Korea said, “Han is an emotion to be generated when one’s pursuit of an ideal gets undermined by a person or an organization, which, therefore, never goes away.”

国連へ意見書「韓国の詐欺的な 市民団体によって提起された慰安婦問題」


新しい歴史教科書をつくる会 国際歴史論戦研究所  が国連人権理事会(44会期/2020年6-7月)に共同意見書「韓国の詐欺的な 市民団体(NGO)によって提起された慰安婦問題」(原題「A Deceitful Korean Citizens’ Group (NGO) and the Comfort Women Issue」)を5月27日付けで提出しました。
その意見書の全文をご紹介します。

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Original Submission 意見書提出版(英語) PDF
Japanese 日本語 PDF

国連 人権理事会 44会期 (2020年6月-7月)
議題4 理事会の注意を要する人権状況

 

 

経済社会理事会(ECOSOC)協議資格NGO 新しい歴史教科書をつくる会

共同提出NGO 国際歴史論戦研究所

 

2020年5月27日

 

 

韓国の詐欺的な市民団体(NGO)によって提起された慰安婦問題

 

国連人権委員会において慰安婦問題を提起し、「女性を強制連行して『性奴隷』にした」と日本を非難してきた韓国の挺身隊問題対策協議会(略称は挺対協。現在の名称、日本軍性奴隷制問題解決のための正義記憶連帯、略称は正義連)が金儲けのための詐欺団体であったことが明らかになった。挺対協は2014年から国連経済社会理事会(ECOSOC)協議資格NGOである。

このことを告発したのは、同団体の幹部として長年活動してきた元慰安婦と自称する李容洙(イ・ヨンス)氏である。彼女は2007年米国下院で慰安婦問題の対日謝罪要求決議審議の席上で米議員の前で泣き叫びながら証言を行い、2017年11月にトランプ大統領の韓国訪問時に行われた晩餐会において、元慰安婦としてトランプ大統領にハグを求めたことで世界的に有名な人物である。

李容洙氏は、2020年5月7日、韓国の大邱市で行われた記者会見で、次の事実を告白した。

  • 同団体が集めた寄付金が元慰安婦の為に使われたことがない。ほとんどは私的目的に使用されており、その責任は今年の3月まで同団体の代表を務めてきた尹美香(ユン・ミヒャン)氏にある。
  • 自分の慰安婦時代の経験についての証言は、同団体から言われたとおりに証言したものである。
  • 自分は「性奴隷」ではない。尹美香氏に対して、「私はなぜ性奴隷なのか、その言葉はやめなさい」と要求したが、尹美香氏は「こう表現してこそ米国が怖がる」と言って敢えて「性奴隷」という言葉を国連で使った。

以上の三点から、同団体の尹美香前代表が、李容洙氏など元慰安婦を名乗る人々に嘘の証言をさせ、慰安婦を「性奴隷」と偽り、国連を利用して慰安婦問題を女性の人権問題として世界的に拡大し、多額の寄付金を国内外から集めて私的に利用していたことが明らかである。

現在、尹美香前代表は寄付金の私的利用疑惑や不透明な会計をめぐり、李容洙氏のみならず、複数の市民団体からも告発されており、検察による捜査が開始された。具体的には、2020年5月20日と21日の両日、検察による正義連に対する家宅捜査が行われた。

 詐欺的な団体に騙された国連人権理事会

 慰安婦とは戦場近くで合法的に売春行為を行った人々であり、それはビルマで米軍の捕虜になった慰安婦及びその雇人に対する尋問結果をまとめた1944年10月1日付米国戦時情報局(US Office of War Information, OWI)の「心理戦報告書第49号」(米軍の公的資料)に「慰安婦とは、日本陸軍に随行した売春婦あるいは軍隊随伴業者に他ならない。“a comfort girl is nothing more than a prostitute or professional camp follower”」と記されていることからも明らかである。

挺対協は「日本の官憲が慰安婦にするために20万人の韓国女性を強制連行し、『性奴隷』として虐待した」と主張してきた。だがそれは事実ではない。慰安婦の多くは経済的理由からやむを得ずそのような仕事に就いたのである。そのような中で1930年代から第二次大戦中にかけて、多くの女性が朝鮮人の犯罪組織によって誘拐されあるいは騙されて満州や中国に売られた事件が多発した。「強制連行された」と主張する元慰安婦のほぼすべてがこのような犯罪組織の被害者であり、日本の官憲が救出に向かっていたのが当時の実態である。そのことは当時朝鮮で発行されていた東亜日報などの新聞記事に数多く報道されている。

挺対協はその事実を180度捻じ曲げ「日本の官憲が強制連行した」と国連で訴えて世界の同情を買い、善意の人々から厖大な寄付金を集め、それを私物化してきた。

人権条約体委員会の中では、自由権規約委員会(CCPR),社会権規約委員会(CESCR)、人種差別撤廃委員会(CERD),女子差別撤廃員会(CEDAW)、拷問禁止委員会(CAT)、強制失踪委員会(CED)の6つの委員会が同団体からの意見書を踏まえて、「性奴隷に関する犯罪に対する法的な責任を公的に認め、犯罪者を訴追し処罰せよ」と日本政府に勧告している。

我々は次のことを人権理事会に要望する

・韓国政府は、正義連(旧・挺対協)によって傷つけられた韓国と日本の名誉を回復するために、その責任において慰安婦問題を再調査し、その実態を明らかすべきである。国連人権理事会は、韓国政府にそのように勧告してもらいたい。

・本文に挙げた6つの人権条約体委員会は、虚偽に満ちた正義連の言うことを鵜呑みにして、慰安婦問題に関して、日本政府に対する見当違いの勧告を出し続けてきた。各人権条約体委員会は、被害者の証言を鵜呑みにすることなく、事実をしっかり調査した上で、報告書を作成するよう強く要望する。事実をベースとした科学的な調査が何よりも大切である。

以上

中山恭子先生との対談番組

中山恭子先生(前参議院議員・一般財団法人祭研究会会長)との対談番組、チャンネル桜の番組「夢を紡いで」に出演いたしました。

今回は国連の人権委員会、皇室典範、元慰安婦イ・ヨンス、「学者の声明:映画『主戦場』に係る上智大学の研究倫理を問う」についてお話ししました。

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【夢を紡いで #115】男系男子は女子差別?国連と皇室典範、イ・ヨンス氏が挺対協批判-山本優美子氏に聞く[桜R2/5/15]

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【夢を紡いで #116】国連勧告がつくる?日本の未来、卒業制作映画に見る上智大学の研究倫理問題-山本優美子氏に聞く[桜R2/5/22]